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The Suppressed Truth about the Assassination of Abraham Lincoln

Chapter 6
Lincoln Takes Up the Burden

Certainly, no president of this Republic was ever beset with so many staggering problems as President Lincoln. The more we study those perilous years, the more we wonder at his great wisdom, firmness and boundless patience and charity.

The Ultra-Pro-Slavery leaders had sworn to prevent the seating of Abraham Lincoln in the Presidential chair. So certain were they of the success of their plans that just as Buchanan was leaving the White House, before the arrival of Mr. Lincoln, he turned and said: "As George Washington was the first President, so James Buchanan will be the last President of the United States."

Mr. Lincoln had no idea of the rottenness and treason, which were there to face him in Washington. Almost every department in Washington was headed by a traitor to the Government, for the arch-plotters had been placing their trusted tools preparatory to the final blow.

The first months of his administration were spent in investigating these national assassins, and replacing them with men who were true. This, in itself, was a task that only the judgment of Lincoln could have accomplished.

Mr. Lincoln had no idea of the dimensions of the Secession Plot. He was later to find that his first call for 75,000 volunteers was inadequate and was amazed when the Governors of three Southern States refused to send their quota.

Another disillusionment came when he noted that as he increased his calls for troops, Jefferson Davis did not send out any call. From that on Lincoln began to realize something of the seriousness of the situation and his last call was for three years or during the war. Southern leaders also realized the fact that they were up against the real thing.

When President Lincoln reached Philadelphia for his first inauguration, there was a plot discovered and disclosed to General John Hancock at Washington to assassinate Mr. Lincoln at Baltimore, where he was to have stopped to address the citizens on his way to the Capitol. The full details had been planned. An Italian barber well known in Baltimore, a Romanist, was to have stabbed him while seated in his carriage, when he started from the depot.

The son of Wm. H. Seward, who was at that time Senator and afterwards Lincoln's Secretary of State, was sent post-haste to Philadelphia to warn Mr. Lincoln of his danger. It was a difficult matter at first to convince him of the seriousness of it. He flatly refused to go to Washington immediately, as was suggested by his friends, but promised that after he had raised the flag on Independence Hall in Philadelphia, and delivered an address to the members of the Legislature at Harrisburg, he would take an earlier train to Washington, which he did, accompanied by only one friend, Wade C. Lammon, one of his law partners, and Wm. H. Pinkerton, head of the Detective Agency of that name in Chicago. The party took the six o'clock train out of Philadelphia, quietly without attracting any publicity, and as Mr. Lincoln was soundly sleeping, the train whizzed through Baltimore, and got him to Washington early in the morning, where he was taken in charge by the largest military and Secret Service escort a president ever had been surrounded with. Thus was the first of Rome's assassination plot thwarted.

The awakening of the President and the North came on the morning of April 12, 1861 with the firing on Fort Sumpter. This opening shot of the rebellion was sent by General Beauregard, Jesuit leader of the military operations. Beauregard was a professed Romanist and sprung from a distinguished family of Jesuits.

The North was wholly unprepared for war. They seemed not to have been able to realize that there could ever be a conflict between the citizens of the United States. This delusion was shot to pieces on April 12th and amidst the greatest consternation and excitement preparations began in earnest.

That President Lincoln fully realized it was not a Protestant South with which he was contending, is clearly evident from his own words on this subject in his conversation with the Rev. Charles Chiniquy, ex-Catholic priest of Kankakee, Ill., who called once each year during his administration at the White House to warn the President of his danger of assassination by these enemies of Popular Government and their agents, the Jesuits, through their Leopoldines.



And continuing Mr. Lincoln analyzed the Roman psychology, which played its part in his own murder, when he said:


Surely, no clearer conception of the masked enemy with which that great man was contending was ever glimpsed. While other men studied books, Lincoln STUDIED MEN, and the above interpretation of the terrible conflict in which he was the Commander-in-Chief is startling in its accuracy. It is very simple now for those of us who have the knowledge of an array of facts before us, to see what Lincoln then saw, but we must remember when he spoke those words, he was the very storm-center and chief actor in the social upheaval without the advantage of retrospect. Mr. Lincoln had a prophetic sense almost uncanny, which alone made him superior to any of his contemporaries. More than once he told his close friends that he had a strong premonition that he would not outlast the Rebellion, that his work would be finished with it.


Disruption has always been the first motive of the Jesuits, and black slavery was the rock upon which they planned to rend this government. There was no other principle, no ethics involved, never is, so far as Jesuitism goes, except the fundamental principles of the divine right rule of the popes of Rome.

From the earliest times the Roman Church advocated human slavery. In the Middle Ages, when feudal slavery flourished, the church fattened on the exploitation of the serfs who were bought and sold with the land. These serfs were supposed to have no souls, and were in precisely the same category as cattle. The great monasteries and nunneries were among the largest owners of serfs. For instance, had Joan D' Arc lived four hundred years before her time, she and her family would have been among the serfs attached to the monastery of San Ramey. In short, serfdom was the basis of the wealth of the papacy.

It is true that in rare cases the church lifted out of serfdom, a boy in whom it recognized some peculiar native talent or personal trait which might be cultivated and turned to its own advantage, but the act was simply the removal from the thralldom of serfdom to that of ecclesiastical slavery for further and more useful exploitation by more exacting task masters, for the Roman church has always enslaved the minds of its victims. The Jesuit Oath exacts the obedience of cadavers. In the Doctrine of the Jesuits by Gury, translated into the French by that brilliant educator and statesman, Paul Bert in 1879, we find the position of the church and the Jesuits on black slavery quoted as follows:

"Slavery does not constitute a crime before any law, divine or human. What reasons can we have for undermining the foundations of slavery with the same zeal that ought always to animate us in overcoming evil? When one thinks of the state of degradation in which the hordes of Africa live, the slave trade may be considered as a providential act, and we almost repudiate the philanthropy which sees in a man but one thing—material liberty."

The above is the papal virus to which Lincoln referred and with which the youths of the best families of the Southern Confederacy were inoculated, and which made the leaders of the ultra-pro-slavery forces an easy prey to the Roman hierarchy and its priesthood in the great conspiracy or destruction which Lincoln visioned.

It was the virus which was let into the veins of Mary E. Surratt and was passed on by her to her son, the arch-conspirator, John H. Surratt; it was the opiate which silenced the voice of conscience and kindness of heart of John Wilkes Booth, and nerved his hand to send the bullet into the great brain of Abraham Lincoln; it was the deadly drug which made Lewis Payne, the unfortunate, the happy-go-lucky "Davy" Herold, the shiftless Edward Spangler, and the rest of the non-Catholic tools, wax, in the hands of the arch-Leopoldines in this wicked conspiracy to wreck this popular government.

This Jesuit virus that Slavery does not constitute a crime before any law, divine or human, was the deadly drug that set the BLOOD OF THE SLAVE OWNERS ON FIRE, JUSTIFIED THEIR "CAUSE" distorted their vision, controlled their ethics and appealed so strongly to their economic interests, and it was the big urge underlying the whole progress of the treason of secession.

In the A Memoir of Jefferson Davis, the leader of the Southern Confederacy, published by his wife after his demise, we find on page 445, this remark: "Mr. Davis's early education had always inclined in the Roman Catholics, friends who could not be alienated from the oppressed." In chapter 2nd, that gentleman is quoted as follows:

"The Kentucky Catholic school called St. Thomas College, when I was there was connected with the church. The priests were Dominicans. They held large property; productive fields, slaves, flour mills, flocks and herds. As an association they were rich. Individually, they were vowed to poverty and self-abnegation. They were diligent, in the care, both spiritual and material, of their parishioners' wants. When I entered the school, a large majority of the boys belonged to the Roman Catholic church. After a short time I was the only Protestant boy remaining, and also the smallest boy in the school. From whatever reason, the priests were particularly kind to me. Father Wallace, afterwards bishop of Nashville, treated me with the fondness of a near relative."

It is very obvious from the above that the kindness shown to Jefferson Davis as a child clung to him and influenced his whole life. It bore fruit, and his friendliness to the Catholic church was well repaid by that institution which always, under such circumstances, rewards its tools.

When Mr. Davis had been arrested after the close of the Civil War and was to be tried for treason, it was the distinguished Catholic attorney, Charles O'Connor, of New York City, who offered his services, which were accepted in Mr. Davis's defense.

On Sept. 25th, 1863, Davis addressed the following letter to Pius IXth:

"Richmond, Va., Sept. 25, 1863

"Very Venerable Sovereign Pontiff:

"The letters which you have written to the clergy of New Orleans and New York have been committed to me, and I have read with emotion the deep grief therein expressed for the ruin and devastation caused by the war, which is now being waged against the States and the people who have selected me as their president, and your orders to your clergy to exhort the people to peace and charity. I am deeply sensible of the Christian charity which has impelled you to this reiterated appeal to the clergy. It is for this reason I feel it my duty to express personally and in the name of the Confederate States our gratitude for such sentiments of Christian good feeling and love, and to assure Your Holiness, that the people threatened even on their own hearts, with the most cruel oppression and terrible carnage is desirous as it always has been, to see the end of this impious war; that we have ever addressed prayers to heaven for that issue which Your Holiness now desires; that we desire none of our enemies' possessions, that we merely fight to resist the devastation of our country and the shedding of our best blood, and to force them to let us live in peace under the protection of our own institutions and under our laws, which not only insure to everyone the enjoyment of his temporal rights but also the free exercise of his religion.

"I pray your Holiness to accept on the part of myself and the people of the Confederate States our sincere thanks for the efforts in favor of peace.

"May the Lord preserve the days of Your Holiness and keep you under His divine protections.

(Signed) Jefferson Davis."

It occurs to me that after perusing the above bit of concentrated treason, any apologist for this leader of the Rebellion would be out of order.

Here is the Pope's reply:

"Illustrious and honorable President,


"We have just received with all suitable welcome the persons sent by you to place in our hands your letter dated the 25th of Sept. last. Not slight was the pleasure we experienced when we learned from those persons and the letter, with what feelings of joy and gratitude, illustrious and honorable President, as soon as you were informed of our letters to our venerable brother, John, Archbishop of New York and John, Archbishop of New Orleans, dated the 18th of October of last year, and in which we have with all our strength exerted and exhorted those venerable brothers that in their Episcopal piety and solicitude they should endeavor with the most ardent zeal and in our name, to bring about the end of that fatal Civil War which has broken out in those countries in order that the American people may obtain peace and concord and dwell charitably together.

"It is particularly agreeable to us to see that you, illustrious and honorable President, and your people, were animated with the same desires of peace and tranquility which we have in our letters inculcated upon our venerable brothers. May it please God at the same time to make other people of America and their rulers reflecting seriously how terrible is civil war and what calamities it engenders, listen to the inspirations of a calmer spirit and adopt resolutely the part of peace.

"As for us, we shall not cease to offer up the most fervent prayers to God Almighty that He may pour out upon all its people of America the spirit of peace and charity, and that He will stop the great evils which afflict them. We at the same time beseech the God of Pity to shed abroad upon you, the light of His Grace and attach you to us by a perfect friendship.

"Given at Rome, at St. Peters the 3rd day of December, 1863 of our Pontificate Eighteen.

(Signed) Pius IXth."

The reader will note the recognition by the Pope of a divided country and also his recognition of Davis as the President. It was on the publication of this letter that the large desertions of Roman Catholics from the ranks of the North began.

Mrs. Davis tells us:

"During Mr. Davis' imprisonment, the Holy father sent a likeness of himself and wrote underneath it, with his own hand, attested by the seal of the Cardinal Antonelli, 'Come unto me all ye who are weary and heavy laden. and I will give you rest."'

The lady further opines that:

"The dignity and the man both illustrated the meek and lowly Lord of us all, whose vice-regent he was."

This remark leaves no doubt as to precisely where she stood on the question. The writer was amused to learn that Jeff Davis was a Wet which is also in keeping with his early education in the Roman Church, and that his explanation upon an occasion when he was pressed for his attitude upon the subject is almost identical with that of the late J. Card. Gibbons. He says in part in his defense of the liquor traffic:

"To destroy individual liberty, and moral responsibility, (Get that, dear reader) would be to eradicate one evil by the substitution of another, which it is submitted would be more fatal than that for which it was offered as a remedy. The abuse and not the use of stimulants, it must be confessed, is the evil to be remedied."

Upon the whole, surely no one can deny that Rome's fatal virus worked in the veins of this Ultra-Pro-Slavery leader in the late Rebellion, and that Lincoln was right when he recognized the anti-social and anti-Christian views of the foe with which he struggled. The fact that Jefferson Davis was not a professed Roman Catholic did not in the slightest curtail his usefulness as a Leopoldine.

A sense of justice and gratitude should compel every loyal American to remember the decisive and correct attitude of the English government at the psychological moment in our Civil War. It stands in sharp contrast with the meddlesome, treacherous letter of the Pope, above quoted to the Honorable and Illustrious President of the Seceding States. On page 476 the Memoirs by Mrs. Davis, quotes in full the ultimatum of England which was received by Davis at Richmond through the British Consul which says in part:

"After consulting with the law officers of the Crown, Her Majesty's government have come to the decision that the agents of the authorities of the so-called Confederate States have been engaged in building vessels which would be at least partially equipped for war purposes on leaving the ports of this country; that these war vessels would undoubtedly be used against the United States, a country with which this government is at peace: that this would be a violation of the neutrality laws of the realm; and that the Government of the United States would have just grounds for serious complaint against her Majesty's Government, should they permit such an infraction of the friendly relations subsisting between the two countries. No matter what might be the difficulty of proving in a court of law that the parties procuring the building of these vessels are agents of the so-called Confederate States, it is universally understood throughout the world that they are so, and Her Majesty's Government are satisfied that Mr. Davis would not deny that they are so. Under these circumstances, Her Majesty's Government protests and remonstrates against any further efforts being made on the part of the so-called Confederate States, or the authorities or agents thereof to build or to cause to be built, to purchase or to cause to be purchased, any such vessels as those styled as Rams, or any other vessels to be used for war purposes against the United States, or against any country with which the United Kingdom is at peace or on terms of amity; and Her Majesty's Government further protests against all acts of violation of the neutrality laws of the realms.

"I have the honor to be your Lordship's obedient servant,

(Signed) Russell"

Those are the words with the bark on. No recognition of Your Illustrious and Honorable President. Only recognition of a UNITED STATES—preservation of the Union—for which Abraham Lincoln was contending and gave his precious life.

The wobbly attitude of the past administrations in Washington on the dangerous interference of the Sinn Fein element in this country during the present unpleasant attempt at disruption in the British Empire on the so-called Irish Question which is not Irish at all, but a Roman question, makes one ashamed and humiliated at the hemming and hawing of the politicians in high office at Washington.

On July 26, 1862 in a letter to Reverdy Johnson, who by the way was the attorney who afterwards gave his distinguished services to Mrs. Mary E. Surratt, Mr. Lincoln said:

"I am a patient man, always willing to forgive on the Christian terms of repentance, and also to give ample time for repentance. Still, I must save the government if possible. What I cannot do, of course I will not do; but it may as well be understood, once for all, that I shall not surrender this game leaving any available card unplayed."

This was the same expression of sentiment which had caused the death of William Henry Harrison, the ninth President and Zachary Taylor, the twelfth President, the preservation of the UNION and the fact that Lincoln did it, was the grounds for his physical death, by these wreckers.

Nor did the great Lincoln stop pouring out his patriotic soul all during these trying four years. On August 15, 1863, he gave his opinion upon the Draft as follows:

"Shall we shrink from the necessary means to maintain our free government, which our grandfathers employed to establish, and our own fathers have already employed once to maintain it? Are we degenerate? Has the manhood of our race run out?" (Complete Works, Nicolay & Hay. Vol. 11, P. 391.)

The President spent the first months of his administration feeling his way, so to speak. Delving into the conditions in the various departments, finding traitors and carefully replacing them by those whom he knew to be true. The lesson he was learning would have staggered a man of less courage than Lincoln—the steadfast, unyielding patriot, when any principle of right was in the balance.

It was the sifting time with Lincoln. In his letter to Corning, June 1863 he writes:

"The man who stands by and says nothing when the peril of his country's government is discussed, cannot be misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure to help the enemy; much more, if he talks ambiguously—talks for his country 'with buts and ifs and ands."' (Barrett, p. 632.)

In addressing the members of the general assembly Presbyterian Church, President Lincoln said:

"As a pilot, I have used my best exertions to keep afloat our ship of state; and shall be glad to resign my trust at the appointed time to another pilot more skillful and successful than I may prove. In every case and at all hazards the government must be perpetuated." (Complete Works, Vol. 2. Page 342.)

Thus almost daily was Lincoln telling of his American creed, adding fuel to the fires of hatred which were burning in the wicked hearts of his country's deadly enemies. Spurred on like a lot of demons, they rounded up their hell hounds in and about Washington for the final perfidious act.

It finally became manifest to President Lincoln that the presence of the foreign troops in Mexico was a menace to the safety of this country, and through our American Consul at Paris, this government served notice on Napoleon, that Jesuit tool of the Pope, that his troops must be removed from Mexico within the time indicated by this country.

That there could be no misunderstanding concerning the attitude of the Lincoln administration toward the Republic of Mexico, was made plainly evident by the note sent through Secretary of State Seward to our Consul at Paris to be delivered to Napoleon IIIrd which reads:

"The United States government does not desire to suppress the fact that their sympathies are with Mexico, that is to say with the Republic of Mexico nor does United States government, in any sense, for any purpose, disapprove of the Republican government, now in force in Mexico, or distrust the administration. Neither was there any disposition apparently to deny the Liberals of Mexico financial assistance."

When President Lincoln submitted to the Senate a Treaty granting a loan of $11,000,000 to the Republic of Mexico, although he made no recommendation upon the subject, it was a sufficient hint which expressed his sympathy.

The demand that the French troops be removed from Mexico was complied with to the letter, owing to complications in the situation in which France at the time was involved in Europe she feared war with the United States.

As can be imagined, this was a terrible blow to the CONSPIRATORS in Europe, Canada and Mexico, not to speak of their tools in this country. It served to practically break the morale of the Confederate army, and hastened the end of the war with a Victory for the right.

In the meantime events were shaping up in Mexico in favor of the new Republic.

The Empress Carlotte, within a few months after their arrival in Mexico City, was sent to Rome by Maximillian to explain in person that the strength of Popular Government there had been underestimated; that it was impossible to restore the church property and the rights of the clergy. The important part of her mission, however, was to ask for more troops.

Her reception at the Vatican was simply withering; the Pope was so chagrined and angry at the failure of his designs and so severe in his reproach that the sensitive princess was carried out bodily in an unconscious state, upon which she recovered a mental wreck. She was incarcerated in the Castle of Bouchet near Brussels, Belgium, where she was placed under constant surveillance, and was unaware that on June 19th, 1867, Maximillian, her husband, was shot at sunrise at Queretaro, Mexico, by the Revolutionists. This is the tragic termination of what has always been alluded to as one of the greatest love matches of the royalty of Europe.

A victory for the North was not indicated until the very last days of the War. The Leopoldines left no stone untumed to defeat Lincoln's renomination. They fully realized that if they did not, it meant their doom. When the news of his re-election was flashed over the wires, they did not give up—far from it. They redoubled their efforts. They saw more clearly than ever before that Abraham Lincoln was their Nemesis. They knew only too well that he would be the stumbling block to their future plans, for they felt that in Lincoln they would always encounter a powerful champion for the preservation of the Union and all its institutions. They feared with a deadly fear the influence of his able pen and voice. They knew that to permit this calm, thorough, clear-visioned man who had such a complete estimate of their perfidious designs to serve at the helm during the RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD would mean their ultimate rout in our political affairs.

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