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Full text of "A Candid History Of The Jesuits"









IT is the historic custom of the Church of Rome to 
enlist in its service monastic or quasi-monastic bodies in 
addition to the ordinary clergy. In Its hour of greatest 
need, at the very , t outbreak of the Reformation, the 
Society of Jesu^^was. 'formed as one of these auxiliary 
regiments, and in the war which the Church of Rome 
has waged since tjia.t d^ttp the Jesuits have rendered the 
most spirited and conspicuous service. Yet the pro- 
cedure of this Society has differed in many importan' 
respects from that of the other regiments of the Church 
and a vast and unceasing controversy has gatheret 
about it. It is probable that a thousand times, o: 
several thousand times, more books and pamphlets anc 
articles have been written about the Jesuits than abou 
even the oldest and most powerful or learned of th< 
monastic bodies. Not a work of history can be opened 
in any language, but it will contain more references t< 
the Jesuits than to all the other religious orders collect 
ively. But opinions differ as much to-day as they did ; 
hundred or two hundred years ago about the characte 
of the Jesuits, and the warmest eulogies are chilled b; 
the most bitter and withering indictments. 

What is a Jesuit? The question is asked still in 
every civilised land, and the answer is a confusing mas 
of contradictions. The most learned historians read th 



facts of their career so differently, that one comes fc) a 
verdict expressing deep and criminal guilt, and another 
acquits them with honour. Since the foundation of the 
Society these drastically opposed views of its action 
have been taken, and the praise and homage of admirers 
have been balanced by the intense hatred of an equal 
number of Catholic opponents. It would seem that 
some impenetrable veil lies over the history and present 
life of the Society, yet on both sides its judges refuse to 
recognise obscurity. Catholic monarchs and peoples 
have, time after time, driven the Jesuits ignominiously 
over their frontiers ; Popes have sternly condemned 
them. But they are as active, and nearly as numerous, 
in the twentieth century as in the last days of the old 
political world. 

No marshalling of historical facts will change the 
feeling of the pronounced admirers and opponents of the 
Jesuits, and it would be idle to suppose that, because 
the present writer is neither Roman Catholic nor 
Protestant, he will be awarded the virtue of impartiality. 
There seems, however, some need for an historical study 
of the Jesuits which will aim at impartiality and candour. 
On one side we have large and important works like 
Cr&ineau-Joly's Histoire religieuse.politique, et litter air e 
de la Compagnie de J6sus, and a number of smaller works, 
written by Catholics of England or America, from the 
material, and in the spirit, of the French historian's work. 
Such works as these cannot for a moment be regarded 
as serious history. They are panegyrics or apologies : 
pleasant reading for the man or woman who wishes to 
admire, but mere untruth to the man or woman who 


wishes to know. Indeed, the work of M. 
written in conjunction with the Jesuits, which is at times 
recommendea as the classical authority on the Society, 
has worse defects than the genial omission of unedifying 
episodes. He makes the most inflated general state- 
ments on the scantiest of material, is seriously and 
frequently inaccurate, makes a very generous use of the 
" mental reserve" which his friends advocate, and some- 
times embodies notoriously forged documents without 
even intimating that they are questioned. 

Such works naturally provoke an antagonistic class 
of volumes, in which the unflattering truths only are 
presented and a false picture is produced to the prejudice 
of the Jesuits. An entirely neutral volume on the 
Jesuits does not exist, and probably never will exist. 
The historian who surveys the whole of the facts of their 
remarkable and romantic career cannot remain neutral. 
Nor is it merely a question of whether the writer is a 
Roman Catholic or no. The work of M. Cr^tineau-Joly 
was followed in France by one written by a zealous 
priest, the Abb6 Guettde, which tore its predecessor to 
shreds, and represented the Society of Jesus as fitly 
condemned by Pope and kings. 

It will be found, at least, that the present work 
contains an impartial account both of the virtue and 
heroism that are found in the chronicles of the Jesuits, 
and the scandals and misdeeds that may justly be 
attributed to them. It is no less based on the original 
Jesuit documents, as far as they have been published, 
and the work of Cr&ineau-Joly, than on the antagonistic 
literature, as the reader will perceive. Whether or BO it 


seems to some an indictment, it is* a patient endeavoyi 
give all the facts, within the compass of the volume,* < 
enable the reader to form a balanced judgment on 
Society. It is an attempt to understand the Jesuits : 
understand the enthusiasm and fiery attachment of < 
half of the Catholic world no less than the disdain 
detestation of the other, to employ the white and i 
black, not blended into a monotonous grey but in th 
respective places and shades, so as to afford a truth 
picture of the dramatic fortunes of the Society duri 
nearly four centuries, and some insight into the charac 
of the men who won for it such ardent devotion and si 
intense hostility. 

J- M. 





III. EARLY STORMS . . . . . - 55 




VIII. UNDER THE STUARTS . . . . . 195 






XIY. THE RESTORATION . . . . .364 

XV. THE NEW JESUITS . . . . . 390 

XVI. THE LAST PHASE . . . . . -424 

INDEX ....... 445 




IN the early summer of the year 1521, some months 
after Martin Luther had burned the Pope's bull at 
Wittenberg and lit the fire of the Reformation, a young 
Basque soldier lay abed in his father's castle at the foot 
of the Pyrenees, contemplating the wreck of his am- 
bition. Inigo of Loyola was the youngest son in a large 
family of ancient lineage and little wealth. He had lost 
his mother at an early elate, and had been placed by a 
wealthy aunt at court, where he learned to love the flash 
of swords, the smile of princes, the softness of silk and 
of wonaen's eyes, and all the hard deeds and rich 
rewards of the knight's career. From the court he had 
gone to the camp, and had set himself sternly to the 
task of cutting an honourable path back to court. Fear- 
less in war, skilful in sport and in martial exercises, 
refined In person, cheerful in temper, and ardent in love, 
the young noble had seen before him a long avenue of 
knightly adventure and gracious recompense. He was, 
in 1521, in his thirtieth year of age, or near it his 
birth-year is variously given as 1491 or 1493; a clean- 
built, sinewy little man, with dark lustrous eyes flashing 
in his olive-tinted face, and thick black hair crowning his 
lofty forehead. And a French ball at the siege of 


Pampeluna had, at one stroke, broken his leg ,nd 
shattered his ambition. 

It took some time to realise the ruin of fiis ambition. 
The chivalrous conquerors at Pampeluna had treated 
their brave opponent with distinction, and had, after 
dressing his wounds, sent him to the Loyola castle in 
the Basque provinces, where his elder brother had 
brought the surgeons to make him fit for the field 
once more. The bone, they found, had been badly 
set ; it must be broken again and re-set. He bore 
their operations without a moan, and then lay for 
weeks in pain and fever. He still trusted to return 
to the camp and win the favour of a certain great 
lady probably the daughter of the Dowager-Queen of 
Naples whose memory he secretly cherished. Indeed, 
on the feast of the Apostles Peter and Paul, he spoke of 
it with confidence; he told his brother that the elder 
apostle had entered the dark chamber and healed him 
on the eve of the festival. Unhappily he found, when 
the fever had gone, that the second setting of his leg 
had been so ill done that a piece of bone projected 
below the knee, and the right leg was shorter than the 
left. Again he summoned the mediaeval surgeons and 
their appalling armoury, and they sawed off the pro- 
truding piece of bone and stretched his leg on a rack 
they used for such purposes ; and not a cry or curse 
came from the tense lips. But the right leg still refused 
to meet its fellow, and shades gathered about Ifiigo's 
glorious prospect of life. A young man who limps can 
hardly hope to reach a place of honour in the camp, or 
the gardens of the palace, or the hearts of women. 
Talleyrand, later, would set out on his career with a 
limp ; and Talleyrand would become a diplomatist 

Ifiigo lay in the stout square castle of rugged stone, 
which is now reverently enclosed, like a jewel, in a vast 



hom of the Jesuits. It then stood alone in a beautiful 
valley, just at the foot of the last southern slopes of the 
Pyrenees, about a mile from the little town of Azpeitia. 
The mind of the young Basque heaved with confused 
and feverish dreams as he lay there, in the summer heat, 
beside the wreck of his ambition. He called for books 
of knight-errantry, to while away the dreary days, but 
there were none in the Loyola castle, and someone a 
oious sister, perhaps brought him a Life of Christ and 
a Flowers of the Saints. For lack of anything better 
he read them : at first fingering the leaves with the 
nearest approach to disdain that a Christian soldier dare 
admit, then starting with interest, at length flushing with 
enthusiasm. What was this but another form of chivalry ? 
Nay, when you reflected, it was the only chivalry worth 
so fierce a devotion as his. Here was a way of winning 
a fair lady, the Queen of Heaven, whose glances were 
worth more than the caresses of all the dames in Castile : 
here was a monarch to serve, whose court outshone the 
courts of France and Spain as the sun outshines the 
stars : here were adventures that called for a higher 
spirit than the bravado of the soldier. 

The young Basque began to look upon a new world 
from the narrow windows of the old castle. Down the 
valley was Azpeitia, and even there one could find 
monsters and evil knights to slay in the cause of Mary. 
Southward were the broad provinces of Spain, full of 
half-converted Moors and Jews and ever-flourishing 
vices. Across the hills and the seas were other kingdoms, 
calling just as loudly for a new champion of God and 
Mary. One field, far away at the edge of the world, 
summoned him with peremptory voice ; after all the 
Crusades the sites in the Holy Land were still trodden 
by the feet of blaspheming Turks. The blood began to 
course once more in the veins of the soldier. 


During the winter that followed his friends noticed 
that he was making a wonderful chronicle of the lives of 
Christ and His saints. He was skilled in all courtly 
accomplishments they did not include learning and 
could write, and illuminate very prettily, sonnets to the 
secret lady of his inner shrine. Now he used his art to 
make a pious chronicle, with the words and deeds of 
Christ in vermilion and gold, the life of Mary in blue, 
and the stories of the saints in the less royal colours of 
the rainbow, and his dark pale face was lit by a strange 
light. There were times when this new light flickered 
or faded, and the fleshly queen of his heart seemed to 
place white arms about him, and the sunny earth fought 
with the faint vision of a far-off heaven. Then he 
prayed, and scourged himself, and vowed that he would 
be the knight of Christ and Mary ; and so he told his 
followers long afterwards the heavy stone castle shook 
and rumbled with the angry passing of the demon. He 
told them also that he had at the time a notion of burying 
himself in the Carthusian monastery at Seville, and sent 
one to inquire concerning its way of life ; but such a 
design is so little in accord with his knight-errant mood 
that we cannot think he seriously entertained it 

By the spring the struggle had ended and Ignatius 
he exchanged his worldly name for that of a saint-model 
set out in quest of spiritual adventure. The "sudden 
revolution," as Cr&ineau-Joly calls his conversion, had 
occupied about nine months. Indeed, friends and foes 
of the Jesuits have conspired to obscure the development 
of his feelings : the friends in order that they may 
recognise a miracle in the conversion, the foes in order 
that they may make it out to have been no conversion 
at all, but a transfer of selfish ambition from the camp to 
the Church. Whatever be the truth about Inigo's earlier 
morals, he had certainly received a careful religious 


eduation in boyhood,* and he would just as certainly 
not *learn scepticism at the court set up by Ferdinand 
and Isabella 1 ; His belief that he had a vision of 
St. Peter, a few weeks after receiving his wound and 
before he read the pious books, shows that he had kept 
a vivid religious faith in the camp. Some looseness of 
conduct would not be inconsistent with this, especially 
in Spain, but the darker descriptions of his adolescent 
ways which some writers give are not justified. " He 
was prone to quarrels and amatory folly/' is all that the 
most candid of his biographers says. Let us grant the 
hot Basque blood a quick sense of honour and a few 
love-affairs. On the whole, Ifiigo seems to have been 
an officer of the stricter sort, and a thorough Catholic. 
Hence we can understand that, as earth grows dark and 
cheerless for him, and the casual reading brings before 
him in vivid colouring the vision of faith, his fervent 
imagination is gradually won, and he sincerely devotes 
his arms to the service of Christ and Mary. 

Piously deceiving his brother as to his destination, 
he set out on a mule in the month of March. He 
would go to the shrine of Our Lady at Montserrat, 
to ask a blessing on his enterprise, and then cross 
the sea to convert the Mohammedans in Palestine. 
His temper is seen in an adventure by the way. He 
fellin with one of the Moors who had put on a thin 
mantle of Christian profession in order that they might 
be allowed to remain in Spain, and talked to him of Our 
Lady of Montserrat. Being far from the town and the 
ears of Inquisitors, the Moor spoke lightly of the Mother 
of Christ, and, when the convert showedj heat, fled at a 
gallop. Ignatius .wondered, with his hand on his sword, 
whether or no his new ideal demanded that he should 
follow and slay the man. He left the point to God, or 
to his mule, and was taken on the road to Montserrat. 


At last he came to the stee'p mountain, with  

have to look closely into these early Jesuit accounts of 
missions which covered the infant Society with glory. 
A prudent examination of them discovers features which 
have been carefully eliminated from later Jesuit, or pro- 
Jesuit, works on the subject 

As Henry vm. died in 1547, and Edward vi. in 
1553, it may seem singular that Ignatius did not, when 
the Catholic Mary acceded to the throne, at once dis- 
patch a band of his priests to help in restoring the 
old faith. Neither Orlandini nor his discreet follower, 
Cr&ineau-Joly, throws any light on the mystery, but a 
few important hints may be gathered frofti the more 
candid early Jesuit historian Polanco, a close associate 
of Ignatius, and the full solution is indicated in Burnet's 
History of the Reformation (ii. 526, in the Oxford 
edition). This rare discovery of an independent 
document suggests that the early story might read 
somewhat differently in many particulars if we were not 
forced to rely almost entirely on Jesuit authorities. 

From the brief statements scattered over the various 
volumes of Polanco's Historia Societatis it appears that 
from 1553 until his death Ignatius made the most 
strenuous efforts to secure admission into England. 
Cardinal Pole, it seems, asked the prayers of Ignatius 
for his success when he was summoned to England, and, 
when Ignatius died and Lainez again approached Pole, 
the cardinal pointedly replied that the only way in which 
the Jesuits could aid him was by their prayers. In the 
meantime (1554) Ignatius pressed Father Araoz, who 
was in great favour at the Spanish court, to urge Philip, 
and induce ladies of the court to urge him, to take Jesuits 
to England. In 1556 he sent Father Ribadeneira, a 
courtly priest, to join Philip in Belgium and press the 
request, but the reply was always that Pole was opposed 
to admitting the Jesuits, Polanco makes it quite clear 


that,Pole resisted all the efforts of Ignatius from 1554 to 


Burnet supplies the solution of the mystery. A 
friend of his discovered a manuscript at Venice, from 
which it appears that Ignatius had overreached himself 
and aroused the hostility of the cardinal. He had 
writtten to Pole that, as Queen Mary was restoring 
such monastic property as had fallen to the throne, 
it would be advisable to entrust this to the Jesuits, 
since the monks were in such bad odour in 
England ; and he added that the Jesuits would soon 
find a way to make other possessors of monastic 
property disgorge. Pole refused their co-operation 
and left the Jesuits angry and disappointed. The 
historian cannot regard an anonymous manuscript as 
in itself deserving of credence, but the statement very 
plausibly illumines the situation. I may add that in 
1558 Father Ribadeneira was actually smuggled into 
England in the suite of Count Gomez de Figueroa, who 
had gone to console the ailing Queen. 1 The count 
was a warm patron of the Jesuits, but Queen Mary died 
soon after his arrival, and the last hope of the Jesuits 
was extinguished. 

We cannot examine with equal freedom all the 
chronicles of early Jesuit activity, and must be content 
to cull from the pages of the Historia Sodetatis Jesu, 
the first section of which is written by Father Orlandini, 
such facts as may enable us to form a balanced judgment 
of the Society under Ignatius. Italy was, naturally, the 
first and chief theatre of their labours, and in the course 
of a few years they spread from the turbulent cities of 
Sicily to the foot of the Alps. I have already described 
the work of Ignatius at Rome, and need add only that, 

1 See Ribadeneira's Historia Ecdesiastica del Stisma del Reyno de 
Inglaterra (1588), L, ii. ch. xxii. 



as Orlandini tells us, he was one of the most urge at in 
pressing the reluctant Pope to " reform " the Roman 
Inquisition, or to equip it with the dread powers of the 
Spanish tribunal. At the very time when he was devising 
pleas for toleration in Protestant and pagan lands, he 
was urging that in Italy and Portugal there should be 
set up the most inhuman instrument of intolerance that 
civilisation has ever known. The psychology of his 
attitude is simple ; he was convinced that he was asking 
tolerance for truth and intolerance for untruth. The 
liberal-minded Romans were not persuaded of the justice 
of his distinction, and the opposition to the Society 
increased. The hostility, which at times went the length 
of breaking Jesuit windows, is ascribed by his biographers 
chiefly to his zeal for the conversion of prostitutes. He 
founded a large home for these women, and would often 
follow them to their haunts in the piazze and lead them 
himself to St. Martha's House. On the whole, his great 
philanthropic services and personal austerity secured 
respect for his Society at Rome, and it prospered there 
until his later years. 

In the south of Italy the Society met little opposition 
in the early years. Bobadilla had done some good work 
in troubled Calabria before the Society was founded, 
and within the next ten years colleges were opened 
at Messina (1548), Palermo (1549), and Naples (1551). 
The poet Tasso was one of the first students of the 
Naples college. It was in the north that the more 
arduous work had to be done. The seeds of the 
Reformation were wafted over the Alps and found a 
fertile soil in the cities of the Renaissance. Hardly 
anywhere else were monks and clergy so corrupt and 
ignorant, and nowhere was there so much familiarity with 
the immorality of the Vatican system. Rome itself lived 
on this corruption and regarded it with indulgence, but 


in te university towns of the north educated men, and 
even women, who almost remembered the lives of 
Sixtus iv., Innocent vin., Alexander vi., Julius n., and 
Leo x., were but provoked to smile when they were 
exhorted to cling to the " Vicar of Christ" 

To tear these prosperous seedlings of heresy out of 
the soil of northern Italy was the congenial task of the 
early Jesuits, and Lainez, Brouet, and Salmeron, with 
some of the new recruits, went from city to city, chal- 
lenging the Protestants to debate, strengthening the 
Catholics to resist, and founding colleges for the sound 
education of youth. Their procedure, and the resent- 
ment it constantly excited, may be illustrated by their 
experience at Venice. Lainez was sent by the Pope to 
Venice in 1542, at the request of the Doge. An honour- 
able apartment awaited him in the Doge's Palace, but he 
humbly declined and went to live among the sick at the 
squalid hospital, varying his learned campaign against 
the Lutherans with the lowliest services to the poor and 
ailing. Many were edified, especially one Andrea 
Lippomani, an elderly and wealthy noble. Presently 
there came an instruction from Ignatius that Lainez 
must accept the hospitality offered him by Lippomani ; 
and a little later the noble's heirs were infuriated to 
learn that he had assigned a rich benefice of his at Padua 
to the Jesuits. They appealed to the Venetian Council, 
and lost, for Lainez and Salmeron were ordered by the 
General to defend the donation. So the first college of 
the Society was founded, at Padua, and Lippomani after- 
wards enabled them to found one at Venice. Whatever 
view one takes of it, this was the normal procedure : 
tend the sick and beg your bread until "men of wealth 
and position" open their purses, then throw all your 
energy into the founding of colleges and the securing of 
novices. It was unquestionably a most effective method of 



serving the Church ; it also had an aspect which attracted 

In the Catholic atmosphere of Spain and Portugal the 
Society might be expected to grow luxuriantly, as it 
eventually did, but its fortunes in the Peninsula are 
rather due to the General's policy of securing influential 
patrons than to any popular welcome. As early as 1540 
Ignatius had sent his nephew Araoz into Spain, and 
one reads between the lines that he had little success. 
At last a college was founded at Alcala, to the anger of 
many of the University professors. One professor 
maintained his opposition so long and so violently that 
Father Villanueva, the Jesuit rector, fraternally informed 
him that the Inquisition proposed to put him a few 
questions, and the professor sullenly withdrew. Then a 
learned ex-rector of the university itself was won by 
Ignatius, during a visit to Rome, and was sent back, 
a Jesuit, to found a college at Salamanca. It was, as 
usual, founded in poverty ; the fathers had not even a 
crucifix to put over their altar, and one of their number 
had to draw the figure on a sheet of paper. From the 
general laws of these phenomena one might deduce that 
the story brought a shower of crucifixes. However, the 
favour of the King of Portugal and the influence of 
Rome smoothed their paths, and little colonies were soon 
planted at Valladolid, Toledo, Saragossa, and other 

It was in Spain that the Society encountered the 
most virulent of its early Catholic antagonists, Melchior 
Cano. He was a very learned and sober Dominican 
monk, and a professor at the university : an enemy of 
mysticism and eccentricity. He knew of the early 
penances and " visions " of Ignatius, and had seen him at 
work in Rome. When the pale, black-robed, mysterious 
youths walked demurely into learned Salamanca and set 



up a college for the instruction of youth, the monk 
erupted. They were hybrids neither the flesh of the 
secular clergy nor the fish of the regular clergy : they 
were leeches, fastening on wealthy saints and sinners ; 
and so on. Miguel de Torres, the rector, called upon 
the irate friar, and told him of the great privileges the 
Pope had bestowed on the Society and the high missions 
he had entrusted to its members. This inflamed him 
still more, and he flung at them Paul's fiery warnings 
against the hypocrites who would come after him. He 
exaggerated heavily, especially in regard to the personal 
character of the Jesuits, but he saw very clearly those 
dangerous features and practices of the early Society 
which I have indicated. The struggle came to a 
diplomatic close. Melchior Cano was appointed Bishop 
of the Canaries, and the Jesuits invite us to admire the 
way in which Ignatius returned good for evil. It may 
be added that Cano afterwards recognised the ruse, laid 
down his mitre, and returned to plague his benefactors. 

In the midst of this conflict the Jesuits made a most 
important convert, and their future in Spain was assured. 
Francis Borgia, Duke of Gandia, one of the leading 
nobles of the kingdom, met and was enchanted by Favre 
in 1544, when the King of Portugal brought that gentle 
and persuasive Jesuit on a visit to the Spanish court. 
He was conducted through the Exercises by Favre, one 
of the most lovable and sincere of the early fathers. 
When Favre died two years afterwards, prematurely 
worn by his labours, Borgia wrote to ask Ignatius to 
admit him to the order. Observe the procedure once 
more. He was secretly initiated, not even the Pope 
knowing his name : which enabled him to remain in the 
eyes of men the Duke of Gandia, and shower his 
wealth and his patronage on the Society. It really 
matters little what lofty purposes are alleged for such 



sinuous procedure ; it was a new policy in the history of 
religious founders. When, a few years later, the Pope 
offered a cardinal's hat to the Duke of Gandia, and 
the King of Spain insisted that he should accept it, the 
truth had to come out. Ignatius had sternly enjoined 
that no dignity should ever be accepted by any member 
of his Society, yet, to avoid giving offence to the king, 
he said that he left the decision to Borgia. 

Under Borgia's patronage the net of the Society 
spread over Spain, many blessing and some cursing. 
At Saragossa, where they had built a chapel, the 
Augustinian friars complained that it encroached on 
their sphere. To prevent unedifying conduct on the 
part of rival friars, the Church had decreed that no order 
should establish itself within five hundred feet of a house 
belonging to a different order. When the Jesuits who 
had broken this law, refused to yield, they were excom- 
municated by the Vicar-General, and a pleasant 
procession was arranged by the townsfolk, in which 
effigies of damned Jesuits were propelled toward their 
destination by little devils. The Augustinians were 
popular. But the long arm of Ignatius was extended 
once more, and the Papal Nuncio intervened in favour 
of the Jesuits. Before many years the Jesuits won from 
the Pope a declaration that the law did not apply to 
them, and they might build where they pleased. They 
prospered, and were hated. 

An incident of the same significance occurred at 
Alcal^. The college obtained many pupils, though little 
wealth, and the Jesuit fathers began to be very active. 
In 1551 they were surprised to hear that the Archbishop 
of Toledo had suspended the whole of them from 
priestly functions for daring to hear confessions without 
his authorisation. The Jesuits produced their privileges, 
and persuaded the Governor of Toledo, and even the 


Royal Council, to explain to the prelate that the Pope 
had exempted them from the jurisdiction of bishops. 
He refused to recognise such extraordinary privileges, 
and maintained the suspension. Ignatius then laid the 
matter before the Pope, and the Archbishop was directed 
from Rome to withdraw his opposition. 

When we turn to Portugal we find an interesting 
illustration of the early effect of great prosperity on the 
Society. On the throne at the time was John IIL from 
whose reign all historians date the downfall of what had 
become one of the most brilliant and wealthy Powers in 
Europe. Blind to the gross administrative corruption in 
his kingdom, and to the decay of the stirring patriotism 
which had borne the Portuguese flag over the globe, John 
was concerned only about the religious needs of his 
country and his new colonies. He had invited Xavier 
and Rodriguez in 1540, intending to send them to the 
Indies, but he was so charmed with them that he wished 
to keep them in Portugal. Ignatius allowed Rodriguez 
to remain, and Xavier set out on his historic mission to 
the far east. In this Ignatius showed his usual discern- 
ment : Rodriguez proved as supple and graceful a 
courtier as Xavier proved a fiery missionary. John 
then wished to entrust the tutorship of his son to 
Rodriguez, and Ignatius consented. His own followers 
were puzzled at times to know which were the dignities 
that they were forbidden to accept. When John asked 
for a Jesuit confessor, Rodriguez refused, but Ignatius 
overruled him. The next step was to set up the Inquisi- 
tion, through the mediation of Ignatius, and Orlaadiai 
admits that when, in 1555, the king wished to make 
Father Merin, his confessor, head of the Inquisition, 
Ignatius seriously considered the proposal. He did not 
refuse, as is sometimes said ; the negotiations broke 
down, j 


In this genial atmosphere the Society flourished. 
Its chief college was at Coimbra, the great university 
centre, where the Jesuits rapidly ran their course. At 
first they shocked staid Catholics with the excesses of 
their zeal, A youth in the college confessed to tempta- 
tions of the flesh, and was ordered to walk the streets at 
mid-day without a hat or a cloak, holding a skull in his 
hand. Another student went forth almost naked in a 
cold wind, begging from door to door; and, finding a 
crowd of folk dancing and singing in a church, he 
mounted the pulpit to admonish them, and was dragged 
out and severely chastised. At nights Father Simon 
would send out a procession of youths to cry in [the ears 
of indignant sinners or quiet wine-bibbers some such 
doggerel as : u Hell, hell, hell, for those in grave sin " ; 
or long processions of children with masks and lanterns 
paraded the streets and squares. We gather that the 
boys of Coimbra had a pleasant time during these exhibi- 
tions. But the college flourished ; there were in a few 
years a hundred and fifty pupils in it, and it supplied 
large numbers of missionaries. 

In 1546 Favre visited Coimbra, and reported to 
Ignatius that prosperity had flushed the veins of his 
brothers. Nicolini and other anti- Jesuit writers speak 
of the college as having become a place of " debauch," 
but this is not stated in the chronicles. Frivolity and 
good-living are the only vices charged, whatever we 
may suspect. The students stooped to writing sonnets, 
and the King's money provided plenty of good cheer. 
Ignatius felt that Father Simon had lost his fervour at 
the court, deposed him from office he was Provincial 
(or head of the province) and ordered him to go either 
to Brazil or Aragon. The piety of Rodriguez had 
evidently deteriorated, and he made a struggle to hold 
his place. He was a handsome and comfortable man, 


muclj liked for his liberality. He went to Coimbra, 
where Ignatius had appointed a new rector, and the 
liberals tried to induce the court to protect them. The 
King was alarmed, however, and Father Simon had to 
submit, and the college to mend its ways. Numbers of 
students left or were expelled, and for the rest, when the 
new rector piously walked the streets of Coimbra, laying 
the bloody lash on his own bare shoulders, they fell to 
tears and went out in a body scourging themselves 
under the eyes of the townsfolk. The story ends 
in Orlandini with Simon Rodriguez submitting in holy 
joy and kissing the rebuking letters of his General. 
But when we turn to Sacchini, the Jesuit writes of the 
next section of the " Historia Societatis Jesu," who 
does not always carefully notice what his predecessor 
has said, we learn that Rodriguez smarted for years 
under the humiliation, and awaited an opportunity to 
undo it. However, the province returned to piety, 
and before the death of Ignatius we find the Jesuits 
capturing, after a long siege, the famous University of 

In France the Society wholly failed under Ignatius. 
He placed students, supported by wealthy patrons, at 
the University of Paris, and sent fathers after a time to 
gather their neophytes under one roof. Then the 
outbreak of war with Spain drove most of them abroad, 
and even when the war was over the colony made slow 
progress, amid poverty and hostility. In 1549 Ignatius 
won the favour of Cardinal Guise de Lorraine and, 
through him, of the French court. The King issued 
letters authorising the Jesuits to live and teach at Paris, 
and Brouet was sent to conciliate the Parisians. Then 
began a long and famous struggle between the Parle- 
ment and University of Paris and the court and Jesuits. 
Parlement bluntly refused to register the King's letters, 



and they were of no effect until this powerful legal Jbody 
had accepted them. Henry ordered his Privy Council 
to examine the Jesuit Constitutions and approve them ; 
Parlement retorted by inviting the Archbishop, who was 
very hostile, and the theological faculty of the university 
to advise it, and the issue was a violent condemnation of 
the Jesuits in the vein of Melchior Cano. It was said 
that they admitted all sorts of aspirants to their ranks, 
and that the extraordinary privileges they professed 
to have were insulting to the spiritual and temporal 
authorities and opposed to the interests of the other 
orders and the university. 

In the main, it was undoubtedly the privileges of the 
Jesuits which made the greater part of Paris and of 
France hostile to them. Bishops were not to look at 
them, civic authorities were not to tax them, universities 
were to be opposed by free classes, and were to respect 
degrees granted by Jesuits to any whom they thought 
fit The hostility was quite natural, and it was fed by 
indiscretions on the part of the Jesuits. They received 
a nephew of the Archbishop, against the uncle's will, 
and they first turned the brain (with their Exercises) 
of, and then put out of doors, a very learned ornament 
of the university named Postel. The Archbishop bade 
them leave Paris, and they remained helpless outside 
the city, at St Germain aux Pns, until after the death 
of Ignatius. He pressed the case at Rome, and doctors 
of the Sorbourne went there to exchange arguments 
with Jesuit doctors, but nothing was done until years 

During the war the Spanish Jesuits had gone from 
Paris to Louvain and began to teach there. Here 
again the university scorned and opposed them, and for 
many years (until they secured the interest of the 
Archduchess) they made no progress. Ribadeneira, 


who ^as in charge, used to break down and retire from 
the room to weep. In Germany they had a different 
and more spirited struggle, but they seem to have had 
little influence in the various conferences and diets at 
which attempts were still made to reconcile the parties. 
Favre was at the Diet of Worms in 1540, then at the 
Ratisbon Conference, where Bobadilla and Le Jay 
succeeded him. They were restricted to an effort to 
reform the Catholics themselves, and found it difficult 
The letters of these early Jesuits make it quite im- 
possible for any historian to question the appalling 
corruption of priests, monks, and people in every part of 
Europe at the time of the Reformation. From Worms 
Favre wrote to Ignatius that there were not three priests 
in the city who were not stained by concubinage 
or crime. At Ratisbon the Catholics threatened to 
throw Le Jay into the river. "What does it matter 
to me whether I enter heaven by water or land?" 
he said. They knew very little German, generally 
preaching in Latin, and had slight influence for some 

In time, as they learned German, and confined them- 
selves to the Catholic provinces, their work was more 
successful. They fastened especially on Cologne, and 
assailed the Archbishop, a very worldly prelate of the 
old type, who was annoyed to find these Jesuit wasps 
buzzing about him, and their house was closed for a 
time by the authorities. But they had the favour of the 
Emperor, and the Archbishop was deposed. In 1545 
the Council of Trent opened, and Lainez and Salmeron 
appeared there as the Pope's theologians, together 
with Peter Canisius (an able German student whom 
Favre had attracted to the Society) as theologian 
of the new Archbishop of Cologne. It need only 
be said of the earlier sittings of the famous Council 


(in 1545 and 1551) that the Jesuits had little influence, 
and this they used to oppose any concession to the 
Protestants and magnify the authority of the Pope. 
This will be plainer in connection with the later 

The work in Germany was afterwards thwarted by 
the zeal of the fiery Bobadilla. It had at last come to 
war with the Protestants, to the satisfaction of the 
Jesuits, and Bobadilla marched with the troops and was 
severely wounded at Miihlberg. In 1548, however, 
Charles published his Interim, or provisional concession 
of certain Protestant claims (such as the marriage 
of the clergy) until the Council of the Church should 
decide the points at issue. It may be recalled that the 
general Council of Trent was first intended as a common 
meeting of Protestant and Catholic divines, and the 
hope of reconciliation was not yet dead. Reconciliation, 
however, could mean only concession, and the Jesuits 
were resolutely against concession. Whatever influence 
they had in Germany, apart from their effort to reform 
the morality of the Catholics, was reactionary and 
mischievous in the highest degree Bobadilla over- 
flowed with wrath at the Interim, and denounced it 
fiercely by pen and tongue. Charles angrily ordered 
him to leave the Empire, and he returned to Rome ; 
and it is recorded that Ignatius so warmly resented his 
" indiscretion " that he refused at first to admit him to 
the house. Thus did the saint vindicate the majesty of 
kings, says M. Cr&ineau-Joly. The outbreak did 
unquestionably hamper the progress of the Jesuits for 
a time, but before the death of Ignatius they were 
firmly established in Vienna, Prague, Cologne, and a 
few other cities. At Vienna the court demanded that 
Canisius should accept the office of archbishop, and 
Ignatius compromised by allowing him to administer the 


see apd refuse its revenue. In the same year a Jesuit 
was made " Patriarch of Abyssinia." It was just seven 
years since Ignatius had induced the Pope to decree 
that no Jesuit should ever accept an ecclesiastical 

Of the foreign missions it is impossible to speak here 
at any length. In 1540 Francis Xavier had come for 
his leader's blessing as he started for the Indies. His 
cassock was worn and patched, and Ignatius took off his 
own flannel vest and put it on the young priest before 
dismissing him with the usual : "Go and set the world 
on fire." It was a different Xavier from the one he had 
seen, a vain and brilliant teacher, at the University of 
Paris, and it is well known how he did set the world on 
fire. He was a handsome, blue-eyed man of thirty-six, 
and no Portuguese sailor ever fronted the unknown with 
more courage and heroism than Xavier displayed in his 
famous travels from India to Japan. After a year's 
work at Goa, where his first need was to convert the 
Christians and the Portuguese priests, he went on to 
Malabar, to the Moluccas, to Malacca, and on to Japan, 
ending his life, in 1552, in an attempt to reach China. 
What the result of his mission was it is difficult to 
estimate soberly. The Jesuit chronicler forgets the con- 
fusion of tongues, and makes Xavier leap from land 
to land, preaching to and converting thousands every- 
where, as if they all spoke Portuguese. In Japan 
he clearly failed, although the Portuguese merchants 
were greatly anxious for success, and the Japanese, of 
their own high character and out of respect for the 
great king (of Portugal), his friend, were extremely 

The other foreign missions of the early Jesuits were 
less irradiated with miracle, or with heroism. Lainez 
Went in the wake of the Spanish troops to Tunis, said 


mass there, and left no trace behind. Nunez., the 
" Patriarch of Abyssinia," went out with two others to 
take over his diocese, but found a " Patriarch " there 
already, who made a lively opposition, and the Jesuits 
had to retire to Goa. Four Jesuits were sent to the 
Congo. Two died at once, and the other two became 
so interested in commerce that the king was alarmed. 
Ignatius recalled and replaced them, but the king 
expelled the newcomers. In Brazil they made more 
progress, penetrating the forests and winning the favour 
of the natives by their medical and other material aid. 
They tried to save the intended dinners of the cannibals, 
and, when they failed, sprinkled the poor men with holy 
water ; but the cannibals found that it made them less 
succulent and forbade the practice. They did useful 
work in Brazil, and laid the foundation of a great 

Such were the labours of the first Jesuits during the 
generalship of Ignatius, and it remains only to close the 
career of their able leader. The varied story of success 
and failure, the showers of glowing testimonials and 
bitter diatribes, the heroism of some and the frailty of 
others, kept him alternately elated or depressed to the 
end. He must have seen that the first fervour could 
not be maintained, and that opposition became more 
serious as the Society grew. It had now nearly a 
thousand members scattered over* the world, and a 
hundred houses and colleges. The figures are mis- 
leading, however, as there were only thirty-five pro- 
fessed fathers and only two professed houses ; many of 
the so-called colleges had no pupils and were little 
more than names. Ignatius had twice attempted to 
resign his office in the last few years; and there was 
much to distress him. He had hardly composed the 
trouble in Portugal, in 1552, when Lainez gave him 



anxiety. Lainez, who was made Provincial of Italy 
when Brouet was sent to Paris, complained that the 
general was robbing his colleges of their best teachers 
for the sake of Rome. Ignatius dictated to his secre- 
tary an angry letter. "He bids me tell you," says 
the scribe, " to attend to your own charge . . . and 
you need not give him advice about this until he 
asks it." 

In the next year (1553) he had a grave quarrel with 
Cardinal Caraffa. The Jesuits of Sicily had admitted a 
youth against his parents' wishes, and Caraffa, to whom 
the mother appealed, ordered Ignatius to give up the 
youth. He appealed to the Pope, and got Caraffa's 
verdict cancelled. When, two years afterwards, Caraffa 
became Pope Paul iv., Ignatius remembered his moment- 
ary triumph with concern, and there were grave faces In 
the Jesuit house. Paul IIL had died in 1549. His 
successor Julius in. had been, as the previous record 
shows, very generous to the Jesuits, though funds had 
fallen very low in Rome, owing to the Reformation, 
and Ignatius had great work to keep alive the 
German college he had founded. Julius died in 
1555, and it is said by the Jesuit writers that five 
cardinals voted for Ignatius himself at the next con- 
clave. Marcellus, the next Pope, lived less than a 
month, and then Caraffa occupied the see. To Caraffa 
the Spaniards were " barbarians," and the Jesuits were 
Spaniards. But he postponed the struggle which he 
was to have with the Society, and received Ignatius 

Work, austerity, and anxiety had at length seriously 
impaired the strong frame of Ignatius, and he began to 
prepare for the end It is marvellous how he lived to 
see his sixty-fifth year, and continued to control the 
mighty struggle of his Society against its various 



enemies. With the opening of 1556, howeveV, he 
retired to a great extent from the labours of his office, 
and spent his days chiefly in prayer. He died in the 
early morning of 3ist July 1556, and the struggle for 
the succession began. 



FOR the events of the next ten years, which will be 
narrated in this chapter, we still rely almost entirely on 
Jesuit writers. The statement may sound like an 
insinuation of dishonesty, but it is merely a reminder 
that our authorities are panegyrists rather than 
historians. Their purpose was wholly different from 
that of the modern historian, and their selection and 
treatment of documents correspondingly differed. It 
would be ingenuous to imagine that they loaded the 
scales of good and evil, success and failure, with im- 
partial hand. Here and there, however, some scandal 
was so widely known in their day, and so eagerly pressed 
by their opponents, that it were wiser to put a bold gloss 
upon it than to ignore it, and thus we of the later date 
can just discern the human form under the thick veil of 
panegyric It becomes more and more apparent after 
the death of Ignatius. Father Sacchini, who takes up 
the pen laid down by Orlandini, is just as loyal to his 
order, but it becomes more frequently necessary to 
excuse and explain, and at times he candidly censures. 
The Society is shaken by " very fierce storms," and one 
of these breaks upon it in his earliest pages. 

The Constitutions provided that at the death of a 
General there should be a Vicar-General appointed, and 
he. should proceed to summon the leading fathers of 
every province for the election, Now, Ignatius had 



appointed a Vicar to assist him in his last years, and it 
was generally felt that this Father Natalis would be 
Vicar-General and control the election. Natalis was in 
Spain, however, and Lainez, although very ill, was in 
Rome. We remember Lainez as the learned and 
masterful Castilian who had once provoked Ignatius to 
use very plain speech. There were only five fathers at 
Rome, including Lainez, who were entitled to vote for 
the Vicar-General, and Lainez helped to simplify the 
issue by casting a blank vote, like Ignatius, or "leaving 
the matter to God/' He was appointed, and he fixed 
the more important election for November. For this he 
had to summon the Provincials, Assistants, and two 
Prefects from each of the twelve provinces of the Society. 
One imagines a large and varied body, but in point of 
fact there were only about twenty voters ; those in 
Brazil and the Indies could not be expected, while the 
" province of Ethiopia " (or Abyssinia) existed only on 
paper. It happened, moreover, that as the Pope was at 
war with Spain, the Spanish fathers could not come, 
and Lainez dare not proceed without them. They 
were of opinion that Natalis ought to have been 
recognised as Vicar-General. 

Thus the election had to be postponed for two years, 
and Lainez continued, on the strength of four votes, to 
act as General. The remarkable events of those two 
years are of great importance in studying the character 
of the early Society. Two very serious conflicts arose, 
one between the Jesuits themselves, and one with the 
Pope, and it is in such conflicts that the real character 
appears. Cr6tineau-Joly suppresses the one altogether 
and grossly mis-states the other; he is not only less 
candid, but far less truthful, even than the original 
Jesuit authorities. If we wish to form a just estimate 
of the early Jesuits, not merely to , admire the many 



viruses they possessed, we must consider these conflicts 
with care, as they are recorded by Sacchini in the 
" Historia Societatis." 

Lainez at once presented himself, as temporary 
head of the Society, to the Pope, and prepared for a 
struggle. Ranke's fine picture of Caraffa, who had 
now become Paul iv., will be remembered. A dark and 
stormy Neapolitan, an ardent Italian patriot, he would, 
as he sat over his fiery southern wine, express the 
fiercest disdain of the Spaniards, and trust to see them 
swept out of the Italian peninsula. He had disliked 
Ignatius and, Sacchini says, spoken slightingly of him 
after his death. On the other hand, he was a deeply 
religious man and sincere reformer, and he recognised 
that there was precious stuff, from the Church's point 
of view, in this new Society. Should he fuse it with 
the Theatines, or merely clip its outrageous privileges, 
and bring it nearer the common level of the religious 
orders? He was known to hesitate between the two 
policies, and Lainez was determined to resist both, 
implacably, and teach the papacy the real value of the 
famous fourth vow. And Lainez was a cold, resolute, 
clear-headed man of forty-five : Caraffa a nervous and 
impetuous old man of eighty. The conflict was 
postponed, however, until the Society had a properly 
constituted authority. Paul was content to warn 
Lainez that the Jesuits must be careful of their ways, 
and to remind him that what a Pope had given a Pope 
might take away. 

A few months later the domestic conflict opened. 
The spirited Bobadilla protested that Diego Lainez had 
usurped authority over the Society; the proper thing 
to do in these unforeseen circumstances was to divide 
the leadership between the five survivors of the ten 
original Jesuits. Rodriguez, who still smarted undei 



his humiliation, Sacchini says, was persuaded to *take 
this view; Cogordan a "stiff-necked" brother whom 
Lainez had ventured to correct, joined them ; and even 
the meek and gentle Brouet was drawn into the revolt. 
For many months the austere silence of the Roman 
house was enlivened with the singular quarrel. The 
rebels wrote lengthy indictments of Lainez and secretly 
circulated them among the brethren ; and somehow, 
says the historian, copies of their libelli always reached 
the hands of Lainez, while he himself wrote nothing. 
Then Cogordan told two cardinals, who were to tell the 
Pope, that Lainez proposed to hold the election in 
Spain, so that they might pass their Constitutions 
without the Pope's interference. The idea was certainly 
entertained, and we can easily believe that Lainez 
favoured it. Paul angrily ordered that no Jesuit was 
to quit Rome, and closed his door against Lainez. A 
union of this powerful and casuistic body with the King 
of Spain was one of the last things Paul wished to see ; 
and he looked forward to the passing of their Constitu- 
tions as his opportunity to clip their wings. At last 
Lainez severed Rodriguez and Brouet from the rebels, 
and Bobadilla made a direct application to the Pop'e 
for his share in the administration of the Society. To 
the scandal or the entertainment of Rome, Cardinal 
Carpi was appointed to arbitrate on the domestic 
quarrels of the children of St. Ignatius. His decision 
that Lainez should remain Vicar-General, but consult 
the older fathers did not put an end to the unseemly 
quarrelling, and Lainez in turn appealed to the Pope, 
secured the appointment of another cardinal, and 
silenced the rebels. We can imagine the feelings of 
Paul iv. When a cardinal told him that Lainez had 
charged Bobadilla with an honourable mission at 
Foligno, and had sentenced the wicked Cogordan to 



say one Pater and Ave, he crossed himself : as a 
Neapolitan does when the spirit of evil is about He 
was astonished at the obstinacy of the rebels, says 
Sacchini ; but there are those who fancy that what 
really impressed him was the astuteness of Lainez. He 
was to have more painful experience of it anon. 

While the leaders quarrelled for the mantle of the 
master at Rome, there was grave trouble in the 
provinces. In that year (1557) John in. died in 
Portugal, many valuable workers were lost, and the 
judgment of the University of Paris and the scalding 
indictments of Melchior Cano were translated into 
every tongue in Europe. There was no possibility 
under Paul^iv. of countering these things by conversa- 
tion at the Vatican. It was imperative to hold the 
election as soon as possible and return to the field. 
The end of the war came in 1558, and by May the 
twenty voters were assembled in the Roman house. 
They were to elect a general and endorse the 
Constitutions, now completed by Lainez. 

There was friction at first because Lainez issued to 
the fathers certain orders which aimed at preventing 
canvassing, but in July they proceeded to the election. 
To their dismay Cardinal Pacheco entered the room, 
on the election day, and said that the Pope had sent 
him to preside. He genially assured them, however, 
that he would not interfere, and they cast their votes. 
Lainez was elected by thirteen votes out of twenty. 
They then held a number of sittings on the Con- 
stitutions, and prepared for a struggle with the Pope. 
This struggle is not without some humour when we 
reflect that the Society of Jesus was, so to say, the Pope's 
private regiment, the one order that made a special vow 
of obedience to him, the most exaggerated champion 
in Christendom of his authority. It was the first 



occasion on which the Vatican was to realise "that 
it might count on the abject obedience of the Jesuits 
as long as the Jesuits dictated its decrees. Lainez 
and his colleagues were determined by every means 
in their power to thwart the will of Paul iv. and suffer 
no interference with their own will. They quietly 
endorsed their Constitutions, and prepared to go to 
their provinces. It is impossible to find what precise 
order the Pope had given them to alter their Con- 
stitutions, but he had certainly done so in some form, 
and his anger broke out stormily. He sent a cardinal 
to say that they must reconsider the question of 
chanting in choir, as other religious bodies did, and of 
appointing a general only for a term of three years. 

The Jesuits were " surprised," but obedient. They 
" reconsidered " the points, and drew up a report to the 
effect that they were unanimously opposed to change. 
Lainez and Salmeron were directed to wait on the Pope 
and present this report, and some brave language 
such language as a Pope rarely heard, and must have 
been amazed to hear from a Jesuit, if it were really 
spoken is put into the mouth of Lainez at the audience 
by Sacchini. The historian admits, however, that 
they did not present the report. Paul sternly told 
them that they were "contumacious/' indeed not far 
removed from heresy (which was true), and he cut 
short their defence with a peremptory command to do 
as they were bidden. With an eye on the gray hairs 
of the octogenarian Pope they retired to mend their 
rules and order the chanting of the office. It now 
appeared that of their hundred establishments only two 
were "houses," and they contented themselves with 
ordering that vespers should be chanted in these houses 
until Paul iv. died. They had^secretly asked the opinion 
of a learned cardinal on the value of the Pope's command. 



Cardinal Puteo was not merely an expert on such 
matters ; he was Dean of the Rota, and in a position to 
dissolve the Pope's order, as he eventually did. He 
told them that it was a " simple command," and that, 
as the decree of his predecessor, excusing them from 
choir, was not expressly abrogated, it would come into 
force again at the death of Paul iv. With this assurance 
they meekly submitted to the Pope, and scattered to 
their respective missions. 

I have narrated this curious story at some length, 
relying entirely on the Jesuit Sacchini, because it is of 
extreme significance for one who would judge the char- 
acter and history of the Society. Catholic historians, 
who suppress it entirely or give a very misleading 
version of it, are clearly of opinion that the mere record 
of the facts will disturb their readers, while anti-Catholic 
writers enlarge on it with pleasure. Those who desire 
to have an intelligent and just estimate of the Jesuits can 
neither ignore nor misinterpret such facts. That Lainez 
was personally ambitious, that his eagerness for power 
had not entirely the unselfish character of such ambition 
as we may recognise in. Ignatius, can hardly be doubted 
But Brouet and Salmeron shared and supported his 
conduct, and in those two, at least, one is disposed to 
see the first spirit of the Regiment of Jesus in its 
original purity. The clue to the seeming inconsistency 
or hypocrisy of such men defying or evading the Pope's 
commands I have already indicated. The Society of 
Jesus had consecrated diplomacy to the service of God. 
If a Pope would strip their order of those distinctions 
and privileges which, in their conviction, peculiarly fitted 
it to carry on the holy war, he was not acting as the Vicar 
of Christ, and his commands must be evaded. It did not 
occur to them that this was, in the end, the Protestant 
principle of private judgment, against which they 



thundered the doctrine of papal authority. They 
were the children of Ignatius, who had always felt 
that his private judgment was the judgment of 
God. So Jesuitism moved slowly toward its inevitable 

One other incident at Rome may be recorded before 
we distribute the events of the next seven years in their 
national departments. A little more than a year after 
the election, on i8th August 1559, Paul iv. died. How 
the Romans, stung by the misery they had suffered 
during his war with Spain and the brutalities of his 
Inquisition, burst into the streets with wild re- 
joicing, and attacked the palace of the Inquisitors, and 
how the new Pope surrendered the criminal nephews of 
his predecessor, including a cardinal of the Church, to 
the scaffold, must be read in general history. The fact 
that the Jesuits were called to sustain Cardinal Carafifa 
in his last hours is of no significance. It is more 
pertinent to tell that Lainez returned to the learned 
Cardinal Puteo, and the odious command of Paul iv. was 
declared to have died with him. 

It is said that Lainez himself was proposed for the 
papacy after the .death of Paul iv. The conclave of 
cardinals on such an occasion is, as is known, as isolated 
as a jury-room, but a cardinal might summon his con- 
fessor, and it is not only stated by Sacchini, but con- 
firmed by Cardinal Otho years afterwards, that Lainez 
was called in by Otho and told that his name would be 
proposed. We have no just ground to doubt this state- 
ment, but we have very good reason to refuse to regard 
it as a serious proposal. The papal election of 1559 
lasted three months, and was marked by a bitter struggle 
of France, Spain, and Italy. It engrossed the attention 
of Europe, yet not a single Roman ambassador or prelate 
of the time mentions the name of Lainez. Even the 


worcjs used by Cardinal Otho years afterwards are known 
to us only in a Jesuit version. 

Cardinal Medici, who now became Pius iv., proved 
to be one of the most generous patrons of the Society. 
Although he was a Pope of the cultured and liberal type, 
and would have little personal inclination to favour them, 
he seems to have concluded that the Jesuits were the 
most formidable champions of his authority, and he gave 
them many privileges. It was he who, in 1561, gave 
them permission to build within the sphere of other 
orders, and to grant academic degrees in their colleges, 
and he directed his local representatives everywhere to 
protect and aid them. With such an auxiliary the 
vigorous and gifted general was enabled to conduct the 
affairs of his Society with a success which will appear 
as we review its life in the various provinces. Only 
one further personal detail need be added in regard to 
Lainez. Although the orders of Caraffa had been 
declared void, he prqfessed a scruple when he had held 
the generalship for three years, and proposed to resign. 
In view of his behaviour at the election one is not dis- 
posed to look for sincerity in this scruple, nor does the 
issue suggest it. His confessor told him that he must 
consult his councillors (or assistants). They resisted 
his proposal, but he still affected qualms, and sent a 
circular letter to all the professed fathers, in which he 
purported to place before them, for their guidance, all 
the pros and cons of his design. The letter is, however, 
a transparent plea for power. The electors unanimously 
insisted that he should retain office, and he returned to 
his task with firmer authority. 

The British Isles still remained a dark and almost 
inaccessible territory on the Jesuit map, but Englishmen, 
flying from the penal laws of Elizabeth, began to enter 
the Society on the continent, and one or two secret 


missions were sent out. Thomas King was sent from 
Louvain to England, but he died in the following year 
(1565), and is merely stated to have made a few converts. 
Another refugee in Belgium, an Irishman named David 
Woulfe, had been sent in 1560 to his native land with 
the position of Nuncio. He was so effectively disguised 
that in France he was arrested as a Lutheran. His 
early jeports represent him as an austere spectator of 
the general corruption of the Irish clergy, monks, and 
people. He speaks of giving absolution, in one year, to 
a thousand penitents who had contracted " incestuous 
marriages," and describes the people coming to his 
retreat in their shirts and bare feet. Father Woulfe 
seems to have caught the taint, however, as he was 
some years later ignominiously expelled from the Society. 
William Good, a Somersetshire man, and " Edmund the 
Irishman," joined him in 1564, distributing to the 
peasantry the dispensations and indulgences which 
England proscribed, to the grave inconvenience of the 
papal treasury. 

The mission to Scotland was not less adventurous. 
It was the year 1562, when Mary Queen of Scots had 
returned from France, full of sad foreboding, to the land 
of John Knox. Nicholas Gouda was sent from Louvain, 
in the secret character of Nuncio, to console and assist 
her, and two Scottish students, Hay and Crichton, 
accompanied him. They were dressed as gentlemen of 
quality, who would see the world. Unfortunately, 
Crichton betrayed the secret to an acquaintance at 
Leith, and the fiery cross passed from pulpit to pulpit 
in the city of Edinburgh. Gouda sent Crichton back 
to Louvain and went on himself to Edinburgh. After 
many fruitless attempts to see Mary, he was at last 
admitted one night, by a postern gate, to the presence 
of the beautiful and distracted young queen, but there 


was ^nothing to be done, He asked that the bishops 

might be assembled somewhere to meet him, and it 
appeared that there was only one bishop, on one of the 
islands, who would venture to receive him, if he were 
well disguised. It seems that the least remarkable dress 
to don on visiting his lordship was that of a money- 
lender, and Father Nicholas, so habited, traversed wild 
and stern Caledonia. The rumour of his presence got 
about, and the Covenanters kept watch at Edinburgh 
for his return. A French merchant coming in from 
Aberdeen was sorely beaten by them before he could 
prove his identity. But two of the faithful met Gouda 
outside Edinburgh, and they sailed, with a small band of 
Scottish aspirants, for Belgium. 

In Italy the story is one of much progress and bitter 
hostility. By 1561 there were two hundred and sixty 
Jesuits (in the broadest sense of the word) in Rome, of 
whom a hundred and ninety were students in the Roman 
college. They were prospering in the sunshine of the 
Pope's favour. Elsewhere in Italy, however, they re- 
ceived hard blows. No less than four serious storms 
broke on the Society in various parts of Italy in the 
year 1561. 

First it was reported from the Valtellina that the 
fathers had been expelled, and forbidden the whole 
territory of the Orisons, on the ground that they had 
shown an undue eagerness in securing an old man's 
money. Next there was trouble in Montepulciano. 
The good fathers had, Sacchini says, induced so large 
a proportion of the women of Montepulciano to lead 
proper lives that the men were infuriated. They bribed 
a loose woman to attempt to seduce one of the Jesuits, 
and they engaged a man to dress as a Jesuit and let 
himself be seen coming from a disorderly hotise. The 
Montepulciano version of the matter is, of course, that 



one Jesuit accosted a woman and another was .seen 
leaving an unbecoming house. To make matters worse, 
a woman accused the Jesuit rector, Father Gambar, of 
intimacy with her sister. It was an act of jealousy, as 
the two sisters had competed for the rector's smiles ; it 
is, however, admitted that Father Gambar had been 
" indiscreet " in his letters to the lady, which were made 
public. The civic authorities took the darker view, and 
requested the removal of Gambar. When Lainez re- 
fused, the townsfolk threatened to talk to the rector 
themselves, and he fled. Lainez held that he was 
innocent, but expelled him from the Society for running 
away without permission. He sent some of the older 
Jesuits to restore order in Montepulciano, but it was 
no use. The citizens withdrew the pension they had 
hitherto given the Jesuits, for teaching, and refused to 
give them alms or house. Lainez fought, with his 
ablest men and subsidies from Rome, for a year or two, 
but he was beaten and forced to dissolve the college. 

Then Venice reported difficulties. The new Arch- 
bishop, Trevisani, detested the Jesuits, and assured his 
friends that the chiappini (" humbugs," to translate it 
politely) would not remain long in Venice under his 
rule. Incidents multiplied, and in 1561 the Senate fell 
to discussing the fathers and did not spare them. The 
gist of the charge was that they were foreigners medd- 
ling with the affairs of Venice ; they confessed all the 
noble* ladies of Venice, called on them in their homes, 
and through them learned the official secrets. The 
debate ended with words, though the Doge summoned 
Father Palmio and warned him to be prudent ; and the 
men of Venice, quoting Montepulciano, used a little 
domestic authority to keep their wives away from Jesuit 

From Naples, in the same year, came news of 



hostility and obloquy. Salmeron had been recalled from 
Naples to Rome, and offensive observers began to form 
theories of the recall. When the legend had grown to 
its full proportions, it ran that Father Salmeron had 
extorted four thousand pounds from a dying woman, 
before he would absolve her, and had, when the Pope 
heard and asked an explanation, fled to Geneva and 
turned Protestant. The boys sang ballads in the street 
about Father Salmeron and his four thousand pounds, 
and the college had troubled experiences. Why 
Salmeron was not sent down to refute the legend, and 
whether there really was some little difficulty about a 
sum of money, we cannot say. But the incident shows 
that Catholic Naples was largely hostile to the Jesuits. 
The Pope had to intervene and use the authority of the 

A few years later a more serious storm broke out in 
the north. In all these cases of charges against the 
early Jesuits it is extremely difficult to ascertain the 
truth ; the case is always stated for us by the defence. 
It happens that in the case of the trouble at Milan in 
1563 we have one independent document, and I state 
the facts a little more fully. It matters little whether 
the various Jesuits were guilty or not in these local dis- 
turbances, and most people will conclude, roughly, that 
they were probably not all immaculate and impeccable. 
But it is worth while ascertaining if all this violent 
hostility to the Jesuits, among Catholic peoples, is really 
founded on disappointed vice or idle calumny, and we 
may take the Milan affair as a type. 

The famous Cardinal-Archbishop of Milan, Carolo 
Borromeo, was a nephew of the Pope. He received his 
position in 1560, at the early age of twenty-two, and 
was soon under the influence of the Jesuits. It was 
reported to the Pope that Charles was giving large sutfis 


of money to the Jesuits, and seemed to have an idea of 
joining the Society, Then the young archbishop's Jesuit 
confessor, Father Ribera, was accused of unnatural vice 
with a page in the establishment of Donna Virginia, 
Charles's sister-in-law. Sacchini says that Charles 
investigated the charge and found it false, and that a 
bishop who insisted on it (and accused other Jesuits 
besides Ribera) was brought before Cardinal Savelli at 
Rome, produced his witnesses a number of discharged 
or former students at the Jesuit college and was himself 
punished for libel. It is added that Charles continued 
to entrust his seminary to the Jesuits, and would not 
have done so if they were guilty. Ribera, it is 
acknowledged, was sent to the Indies by Lainez, 
but only because the Pope disliked his influence on 

The Jesuit case is, as usual, plausible, but does not 
satisfy a close inquirer. To send a distinguished and 
fashionable Jesuit to the Indies because he is making 
his penitent more pious than the Pope likes, especially 
at a time when he is charged with vice, is hardly the 
kind of action we should expect in so prudent a man as 
Lainez. It was a very drastic measure to put five 
thousand miles between Ribera and his saintly penitent. 
As to Cardinal Savelli's inquiry, we can quite believe 
that the Pope would be willing to draw a veil over a 
scandal, which might ruin the Society in Italy, once 
Lainez had sent the chief culprit on the foreign 
missions ; Cardinal Savelli was, moreover, the patron 
and protector of the Jesuits, and he seems to have dis- 
missed the witnesses unheard on the ground that they 
were expelled or seceding students of the Society, We 
can further understand that Charles might remain 
friendly with the Jesuits if he believed that one man 
only was guilty, and that man was punished; but we 


shair see in the next chapter that the relations of Charles 
and the Jesuits were disturbed, and that in 1578 they 
made an extraordinarily insolent attack on the cardinal 
in his own city. 

But the chief point is that an almost contemporary 
writer, Caspar Schoppe, maintains on the highest 
authority that the Jesuit schools at Milan were deeply 
tainted with vice. Schoppe is an ardent anti-Jesuit, 
and must be read with discretion when his authority 
is remote. In this case he calls God to witness that 
Cardinal Frederic Borromeo, the nephew and successor 
of Charles, said in his (Schoppe's) presence that he had 
himself found the Jesuit college at Braida so corrupt 
that he would not suffer any Jesuit to come near him, 
would not allow any student of his seminary to approach 
a Jesuit teacher, and would, if he had the power, for- 
bid any Jesuit to teach. 1 Cr6tineau-Joly replies that 
Schoppe is evidently lying, since the known date of 
his birth makes it impossible that he should ever have 
conversed with Charles Borromeo. This confusion of 
Frederic and Charles is originally due to Quesnel, who 
makes that mistake in quoting Schoppe, but it is very 
singular that the French apologist for the Jesuits should 
not know that Schoppe spoke of Frederic Borromeo, 
not Charles, as is pointed out in later editions of 
Quesnel. It is still more singular that Cr6tineau-Joly 
assures his readers (who are not likely to make an 
arduous search for Schoppe's ancient work) that the 
statement is made "sous forme dubitative," when he 
must know that it is the most solemn and emphatic 
statement in Schoppe's book. The impartial student 
must conclude that there is grave evidence against the 
Milan Jesuits, and that hostility to the Jesuits had at 

1 Rclatio ad Reges^ by Alphonsus de Vargas (Caspar Schoppe), 1636, 
p. 40. 


times a more respectable ground than they are willing 
to admit 

The Pope did not stint his patronage of the Society 
on account of these accusations. When the Cardinal- 
Protector of the Society died in 1564, Pius iv. under- 
took that office himself, as if to intimidate its critics; 
though the critics were not in the least intimidated. 
Shortly afterwards he appointed a commission of 
cardinals and prelates to consider the establishment of a 
seminary at Rome, and they recommended that the 
Jesuits should have charge of it The proposal inflamed 
the Roman critics of the Society, and Montepulciano 
and Milan and all the other scandals were fiercely dis- 
cussed. The Pope held firm, however, and the struggle 
had not ended when Lainez died. 

In Spain and Portugal the Society continued to 
make material progress and, in the same proportion, 
morally to deteriorate. Favoured by the genial clime 
of the Peninsula, the Society ran quickly through its 
normal course of development and bore precocious fruit. 
The college at Coimbra had, as we have seen, needed 
purification even under Ignatius. It now prospered 
again, and maintained about a hundred and fifty novices 
and priests. Eat the most notable feature of the 
Portuguese province was the early interference of the 
Jesuits in politics. The primitive design of avoiding 
politics and forbidding Jesuits to frequent the courts of 
princes had first been set aside by Ignatius himself, and 
was quite inconsistent with the general idea of obtaining 
the favour of the rich and powerful. In Portugal the 
court was now dominated by Jesuits ; Father Miguel de 
Torres was confessor of the Queen- Regent Catherine, 
Father Gonzales da Camara confessor of the young 
King Sebastian, and Father Leo Henriquez confessor of 
Cardinal Dom Henry, the King's grand-uncle. It may 


be read in any history of Portugal how the Cardinal 
began, at the instigation and with the assistance of the 
Jesuits, to intrigue for the Regency, and in 1562 forced 
Catherine to abdicate. In a letter, dated 8th June 
1571, which Catherine afterwards wrote to General 
Borgia, we are plainly informed of the intrigues of the 
confessors. " Everyone knows," says the Queen, "that 
the evils which afflict this kingdom are caused by some 
of your fathers, who are so misguided as to advise the 
King, my grandson, to displace me and expel me from my 
State." She had dismissed her confessor Torres, who 
advised her to submit to the intrigues of her brother and 
Father Gonzales, but after a five years' struggle she was 
forced to retire from Spain. Father Gonzales then 
became the most powerful man in Portugal, and made 
his brother Prime Minister, until, as we shall see, 
Sebastian became old enough to put an end to their 

In Spain the Society was less prosperous. The 
historic struggle at Alcala had ended in the capture of 
the university by the Jesuits, but at Seville, Valladolid, 
and other towns there was persistent opposition, and at 
Grenada a dangerous agitation arose because a Jesuit 
confessor compelled a penitent to name her accomplice 
in vice. Borgia himself had many enemies at court, 
and the opposition to him culminated at length in an 
attack which compelled him to fly to Portugal. Two 
works of piety which he had written in earlier years were 
denounced to the Inquisition and condemned. It is said 
by the Jesuits that the suspected passages in his books 
were interpolated by the man who published them, and 
the point is of little interest Borgia did not remain to 
face the questions of the Inquisitors, and the King became 
so angry with him that, when he was invited by Lainez 
to the metropolitan house at Rome, the Spanish fathers 



warned Lainez that if any dignity were conferred on 
Borgia it would be deeply resented at the court. 

This trouble had hardly ended in the disgrace and 
flight of Borgia when a very grave domestic quarrel 
arose in the Castilian province. Lainez had sent Father 
Natalis from Rome to inspect the province, and the 
Castilian Provincial, Father Araoz (nephew of Ignatius), 
discovered that Natalis had secret instructions to destroy 
his position at court, Araoz, the oldest Jesuit in Spain, 
and a favourite at court, had won a position of comfort 
and power which was certainly not consistent with the 
personal ideal of the Society. When, however, they 
endeavoured to dislodge him, he took a drastic revenge 
on the Roman authorities. Natalis was collecting and 
sending to Rome a good deal of money, when an instruc- 
tion was suddenly issued from the court pointing out that 
it was against the laws of the kingdom to send money 
abroad or send men to study in other countries. This 
order was openly attributed by the Jesuits to the influence 
of Father Araoz. An angry quarrel ensued, and one of 
the friends of Araoz produced the secret instructions which 
Lainez had given to Natalis and some father had stolen. 
We need not enlarge on this quarrel. It is more interest- 
ing to note that the Jesuits urged that their action in 
sending money to Rome did not come under the royal 
order since the Church has no frontiers. For some years 
the affairs of the Society in Spain remained in a very 
troubled condition, in spite of their great prosperity. 

In France we naturally find the sternest struggle 
of the decade, as the large Protestant population was 
supported by the majority of the Catholics in opposition 
to the Jesuits. The early effort to woo Paris by 
austerity of life and humble care of the sick had wholly 
failed. The Archbishop, the university, and the 
lawyers of the Parlement had observed that these 


humbie ministers had the most formidable privileges in 
their reserved baggage, and they had put the Jesuits out 
of the gates. They remained in the meadows of St. 
Germain for five or six years, and then, in 1560, Lainez 
ordered a fresh campaign. His representative at Paris 
was the astute intriguer, Father Cogordan, who had 
given Lainez painful proof of his ability at Rome. France 
was on the eve of a terrible struggle of Catholics and 
Huguenots, and Cogordan had little difficulty in per- 
suading the Queen that the Jesuits were the appointed 
force for checking Protestantism. The Parlement was 
ordered to register the letters of Henry n., authorising 
the Jesuits. The courageous lawyers refused once more, 
and the whole of the faculties of the university joined 
in an emphatic condemnation of the Jesuits and their 

The next move of the Jesuits Is noteworthy. 
Cogordan was instructed to reply that the Jesuits would 
sacrifice, in France, any privileges which were opposed 
to the laws of the country or the rights of the French 
Church. Their opponents were quite aware that the 
sacrifice was insincere and temporary, but the manoeuvre 
greatly weakened the position of the Archbishop. As a 
last resource he stipulated that they should also abandon 
the name " Society of Jesus," which many Catholics 
considered offensively arrogant, and again Cogordan 
assented. The Parlement, however, still refused to 
register the royal letters, and threw the decision upon a 
Council which was to be held at Poissy, where Catholics 
and Huguenots were to meet in a dialectical tourney, 

Francis n. had died at the close of 1560, and 
Catherine de Medici, the virtual ruler, was entirely won 
to the Jesuit view. But the Huguenots, led by the 
Prince de Cond< and Admiral de Coligny, were so 
powerful that sober Catholic opinion favoured concession 



to them in the interest of peace: a policy which the 
Jesuits ruthlessly opposed wherever the Catholics were 
still in the majority. The Colloquy at Poissy was, 
therefore, doubly interesting to the Jesuits, and Lainez 
went in person, in the train of the Pope's legate, 
Cardinal cTEste, to secure their aims ; he was to obtain 
the recognition of the Society and to prevent the recon- 
ciliation of Catholics and Huguenots. Unhappily he 
succeeded in both designs. The Colloquy opened in 
July, when a small group of the abler Huguenot divines 
confronted six cardinals and forty bishops and arch- 
bishops, under the eyes of the King and Queen. When, 
after a few sittings, it was seen that concessions must 
be made to the heretics, Lainez delivered a fiery and 
eloquent discourse against this proposed sacrilege. 
Catherine de Medici trembled, and would attend no 
more sittings. The Colloquy ended in a futile wrangle 
of Lainez and the Huguenots, and France, thanks 
very largely to Lainez, went on her way toward St. 

The sincerity of Lainez in this fanatical gospel of 
intolerance cannot be doubted, but it is in piquant 
contrast to the second part of his mission, in which he 
equally succeeded. He brought with him testimonials 
to the work done by his Society in a hundred places, 
confirmed the promise that they would lay aside their 
privileges and their very name (until it was safe to 
resume them), and thus secured the right of entry into 
Paris for this nameless body of priests. This was done, 
of course, by quiet activity among the prelates, without 
any public discussion. Lainez remained several months 
in France, strengthening the new foundation andat the 
very time when he was urging Cond<, in a friendly 
correspondence, to induce the Protestants to join in 
the Council of Trent using the whole of his great 



influence over the Queen and court to prevent any 
concession of churches or other normal rights to the 
Huguenots. As a result of his success, the Jesuits 
moved into Paris and took possession of the hotel 
which the Bishop of Clermont had bequeathed them 
some years before. We can hardly suppose that they 
were following the advice of the sagacious Lainez when 
they inscribed over the door the words " College of the 
Society of the Name of Jesus." This flippant evasion 
of their promise to abandon their name did not tend to 
conciliate Parisians. When they succeeded in a short 
time, with their free classes and ablest teachers, in 
drawing some hundreds of youths from the university, 
they became bolder and announced that the " Clermont 
College" was incorporated with the university. The 
rector, Marchand, indignantly challenged their claim, 
and they produced letters of incorporation which they 
had secretly obtained from his predecessor two years 
before. They could not insist on the validity of this 
irregular diploma, and the close of the generalship of 
Lainez saw them once more in a position of grave 
insecurity and unpopularity. 

A somewhat similar struggle was taking place in 
Belgium. The university and civic authorities at 
Louvain resisted them, and their college remained so 
poor that we find its rector complaining to Rome of the 
burden of supporting Father Ribadeneira, who, as we 
have previously seen, had been sent to further Jesuit 
interests at the court of Philip in Belgium. Even when 
Margaret of Austria, whom they easily secured, bade 
the States of Brabant admit the Jesuits, they refused, 
and they yielded only to the direct intervention of 
Philip in 1564. 

On the other hand, the able and devoted Jesuit 
Canisius was laying the foundation of his Society very 


firmly in the Catholic provinces of Germany. Cattisius 
Is the greatest figure in the second decade of the Society's 
life, and seems to have been a more deeply religious 
and conscientious man than Lainez. He maintained 
to the end the more austere standard of life, travelling 
afoot from city to city, from Rhineland to Poland and 
Austria, and inaugurating everywhere the effective 
system of education which Ranke has declared superior 
to that of the Reformers. The University of Dillingen 
was entrusted to the Jesuits, the frontiers of the Society 
were extended to Poland in 1554, and the laity were 
identified with its interests in the Catholic cities by 
being drafted into the numerous sodalities or confra- 1 
ternities which the Jesuits controlled. The historian 
can dwell with more sympathy on their generally en- 
lightened struggle with Protestantism and with Catholic 
corruption in Germany, where heresy provided them 
with a bracing atmosphere and a healthy incentive to 
work. Even here, however, we find them at times 
stooping to tactics which we cannot admire, and the 
next chapter will introduce them to us in some singular 
adventures. Their conduct in Bavaria, especially, does 
not invite close scrutiny. Albert v. was heavily 
burdened with debt, and it is something more than a 
coincidence that, the moment he admitted the Jesuits, 
the Vatican made him a large grant out of ecclesiastical 
funds ; it is even clearer that the Jesuits were chiefly 
responsible for the persecution of Protestants which 
followed their settlement in Bavaria, 

Lainez had made a tour of these provinces after 
establishing his Society in France. From Paris he had 
passed to Belgium, where the Duchess of Parma was 
ruling in the name of her brother. Margaret had heard 
Lainez preach at Rome, and he easily secured her 
interest for his struggling brethren in Flanders. He 



then went on to Trent, where, in 1562, the Council 
resumed its sittings. There was no longer the least 
hope of persuading the Reformers to attend, and it now 
remained for the* Church to decide what modifications 
it would adopt in order to meet the Protestant indict- 
ment The northern monarchs, confronted with the 
task of reconciling large Catholic and Protestant popu- 
lations, were disposed to make concessions, and their 
clergy were at least eager to check the arrogant claims 
and moderate the extravagance of the papal court. 
This policy was opposed by Italy, Spain, and the 
Papacy, and the Jesuits were the most violent partisans 
of the ultramontane attitude. It would, perhaps, be an 
error to ascribe to Lainez a preponderant r61e in the 
unhappy councils that were adopted at Trent, but what- 
ever influence his learning and eloquence gave him was 
used for the purpose of magnifying the papal authority. 
Even the wealth and luxury of the Roman court, 
which had been so largely responsible for the schism, 
found in him an eloquent defender. He was able to 
return to Rome with an assurance that the Catholic 
States made no concession, while the northern prelates 
had to retire to their seats with grave foreboding of 
bloody struggle. 

Of the Jesuit missions beyond the, seas during this 
decade little need be said. In India alone some material 
progress was made, and it was largely due to tactics 
which promised no permanent result. Writers like 
Cr^tineau-Joly deliberately omit the most significant 
details in regard to these early missions, and give a 
most misleading impression that tens of thousands of 
natives were gathered into the fold by the spiritual 
teaching and exalted labours of the missionaries. The 
early Jesuits themselves are more candid. They tell, 
fpr instance, how in 1559 they made a descent, with an 



accompanying troop of soldiers, on an island whese in- 
habitants had long resisted baptism. The natives were 
held up by the troops, and their leaders were put in 
irons and told that they were to be deported. In the 
circumstances they professed themselves eager to be 
baptized, and the sacred rite and a good dinner were 
at once bestowed on five hundred " converts." The 
Portuguese authority was the chief agency on which 
the missionaries relied. The most tempting privileges 
were granted to converts ; the administrative offices 
which the Hindoo clergy had exercised for ages were 
transferred to the Jesuits; and in 1557 even the tribunal 
of the Inquisition was set up by them in India. 

In other lands the missionary record was singularly 
barren during the decade. In Brazil the fathers still 
wandered in the forests, slowly winning the confidence 
and allegiance of the natives by medical and other 
humane services. Abyssinia was once more invaded, 
and some of the fathers entered the Congo, but both 
missions were destroyed after a few years. In Egypt 
an attempt was made to induce the Copts to recognise 
the authority of the Pope. Rich presents were made 
to the Patriarch, and the Papacy was flattered for a 
time by reports of success; but the adventure ended 
in the painful and ignominious flight of the missionaries 
from the country. The Japanese missions also were 
almost destroyed in the course of the decade, and two 
ingenious attempts to enter China proved unsuccessful 
In 1556 Father Melchior Nunez was permitted to reach 
Canton, but his very diplomatic account of his object 
did not convince the mandarins and he was politely 
expelled. In 1563 a further attempt was made. The 
mandarins were informed that an embassy had arrived 
from Europe with valuable presents for the Emperor. 
The cautious mandarins asked to see its credentials. 



and, when they were told that these had been accident- 
ally destroyed on the voyage, they again amiably con- 
ducted their visitors to the frontier. There were three 
Jesuits, in disguise, among the " envoys," and it is clear 
that the whole expedition was a fraudulent attempt of 
the merchants and missionaries from Goa to break the 
reserve of the Chinese. 

Such were the fortunes of the Society of Jesus 
during the decade which closed with the death of 
Lainez in 1565. The hundred establishments which 
Ignatius had bequeathed to him in 1556 had now in- 
creased to a hundred and fifty ; the thousand subjects 
had become three thousand. From Portugal to Poland 
the Jesuits were the most ardent soldiers in the war 
against the advancing heretics, and there was hardly 
a Catholic court in Europe that did not welcome the 
children of Ignatius and bow in secret to their advice. 
Yet a keen observer like Lainez must have perceived 
that this prosperity was less solid than it appeared, and 
his last years were saddened by announcements of 
hostility and defeat. In France and Belgium the gain 
was wholly disproportionate to the exacting struggle 
they had maintained; in Portugal the material success 
and political action were lowering the ideal of the 
Society ; in Spain the Catholic monarch, the Inquisi- 
tion, and the higher clergy were hostile ; and England 
kept its doors sternly closed against the Jesuits. The 
future was still uncertain, and another Caraffa might 
at any time accede to the papal chain With a last 
glance at the ex- Duke of Gandia, as if to intimate 
that Borgia was the fittest to take up the burden he 
laid down, the second General of the Society, able, 
energetic, and high-minded to the last, sank wearily to 
his rest 



THE election which followed the death of Lainez was 
not marred by any of the painful incidents which we 
frequently find on such occasions in the Jesuit chronicles. 
When the leading fathers of the Society reached Rome 
in the early summer, to compare their stories of warfare 
in every clime of Europe and consult about the future 
of their great organisation, there was one amongst them 
who had so natural a pre-eminence that his election was 
assured. This was Francis Borgia, ex-Duke of Gandia 
and Viceroy of Catalonia. There were in the distin- 
guished gathering many of far greater ability and service 
indeed, there was probably none of less ability than 
Borgia but his high birth, his friendship with half the 
kings of Europe, his venerable person and austere life 
marked him clearly for the supreme command. Philip 
of Spain had outgrown his hostility, and, at the death of 
Lainez, Borgia was appointed Vicar-General So plain 
was the intention of the electors that he sincerely begged 
them not to impose on him so heavy a responsibility. 
They disregarded his protest, and on 2nd July he 
became General of the Society. 

He was then a feeble and venerable man of sixty- 
five, worn with austerity, profoundly sincere and religious, 
In his person he singularly illustrated the change that 
had come over Catholicism. The name of Borgia at 
once suggests the groves of pleasure or the chambers of 



crimeout of which the Papacy had been startled by the 
voice of Luther: his father had been a son of Pope 
Alexander vi,, his mother an illegitimate daughter of 
the Archbishop of Saragossa, who in turn had been a 
natural son of Ferdinand v. But with his hair-shirts, 
his bloody scourges, and his long fasts, Francis belonged 
to the new age, and seemed to have taken on himself 
the expiation of the scarlet sins of the Borgias. He 
had been Viceroy of Catalonia from 1539 to 1543, and 
had then suffered for some years a mild and obscure 
disgrace. During this enforced retirement to his duchy 
he had met, and fallen under the charm of. Peter Favre, 
and he was, as we saw, secretly admitted to the Society. 
Although he had been driven from Spain only a few 
years before, the Pope had restored his prestige, and his 
election was acclaimed throughout the Society and the 

We may, perhaps, see a reflection of his religious 
spirit, as well as an indication that grave abuses had 
crept into the Society, in the long series of decrees which 
the Congregation proceeded to pass. No Jesuit was 
henceforward to live at a royal court at least, " not for 
more than two or three months " : Jesuit communities 
were not to own and manage large farms, and sell their 
produce in the public markets; lawsuits on behalf of 
legacies were to be avoided ; salaries for teaching were 
to be abandoned when a teacher joined the Society. 
These and other commands give us an authoritative 
assurance that there was much disorder. Even in the 
Congregation the liberals or casuists were represented. 
When, in the discussion of the impropriety of going to 
law to secure legacies, one of the sterner brethren quoted 
the Sermon on the Mount, another plausibly argued that 
it wds wrong to yield to worldlings funds which might be 
used in the service of God, The Puritans won, and their 




decrees went forth ; but the farms were not abandoned, 
as we shall see, nor the lawyers impoverished. 

In view of the despotic power which a General had, 
it may seem strange that the electors should venture to 
entrust the office to a man of such mediocre ability as 
Borgia. We must remember that the General had a 
council of four able assistants, and it could safely be 
trusted that the humility of Borgia would leave the 
power in their hands. Nor was it long before their 
statesmanship was put to a severe test. Their princely 
benefactor, Pius iv., died before the end of 1565, and a 
Dominican monk, Pius v., occupied the chair. He was 
a personal friend of Borgia, but he belonged to a rival 
order, and Rome was greatly agitated by the hope that 
he would strip the Society of its excessive privileges* 
To the relief and delight of the Jesuits, Pius v. took 
the earliest opportunity to show his friendliness. As he 
drove in solemn procession past their church, he sum- 
moned the General to his carriage, and talked affection- 
ately with him for a quarter of an hour under the eyes of 
his officers. When he went on to nominate Jesuits for 
certain important offices, it seemed that they had found 
another protector. 

In 1567, however, they were dismayed to receive an 
amiable, but firm, suggestion from Pius to chant in 
choir, as other religious bodies did, and abandon the 
"simple" or temporary vows which enabled them to 
keep priests in the Society for years without being 
solemnly pledged to it. 1 A commission of cardinals was 
at the time engaged in discussing the reform of the 
monastic world, and .the Jesuits submitted to it a lengthy 

1 I have previously explained the distinction between simple and solemn 
vows, and the advantage which the Jesuits had in confining the latter to a 
chosen few of their body. See p. 30. These < simple" vows are now 
admitted in other orders, but they were for centuries peculiar to the Jesuits, 
and were very distasteful to the older orders. 


and skilful memoir in defence of their institutions. 
Ought not a regiment of light horse, ready to fly at 
a moment's notice to any part of the Pope's dominions, 
to have special characters? Would those hundreds of 
men who had joined the Society in its actual form not 
have ground to complain if it were made more onerous ? 
Would the benefactors who had built their homes and 
chapels be indifferent to the changes? Nay, what 
would the heretics say when the decisions of a whole 
series of Popes, to say nothing of the revelations made 
to Ignatius, were ruled improper? These ingenious 
considerations were then orally impressed on the Pope 
by Borgia and Polanco, and they flattered themselves 
that they had once more evaded the commands which 
it was their chief business to see respected by the rest 
of Christendom. The Pope had agreed to postpone the 
question of choir until his new edition of the Breviary 
was published, and he did not seem to insist on the 
reform of the vows. A few months later, however, they 
heard that the Pope was about to decree that in future 
no member of a religious body should be admitted to 
the priesthood until he had taken his final vows. 

The details of the struggle need not be repeated 
here, but we must assuredly see a significance in these 
repeated conflicts with the Pope. In the whole history 
of the monastic orders of the Catholic Church there is 
no example of persistent opposition to, or determined 
evasion of, the commands of the Pope to compare for 
a moment with this behaviour of the men who took a 
special vow to obey him. Moreover, the Jesuit writers 
of the time frankly confess that they resisted the Pope's 
wish in their own interest. If the solemn vows were to 
be taken in a youth's early twenties, they would have to 
examine much more closely the characters of aspirants 
to the Society, and their numbers would shrink. It was 


 the Netherlands. Here the 
Jesuits had miscalculated the strength of the Catholics, 
and, in encouraging the policy of violent repression, 
led to their own undoing. Only the favour of princes 
had secured some shelter for them in Belgium, and 
their houses now disappeared in the flames of the civil 
war. Their college at Douai had been interdicted by 
the university authorities in 1567, but relieved by papal 
authority. As the Spaniards proceeded, however, in the 
drastic and bloody policy which the Jesuits were known 
to favour, the crowds stormed their residences, and by 


1570 they were almost driven from the country. They 
returned in the wake of Alva, but there was bitter 
hostility to them, and they were generally accused of 
rebuilding their house at Antwerp out of the loot of 
Flemish towns. Father Sacchini is moved to lament 
the perversity of men who could entertain such a 
suspicion, though, as their sardonic critic Steinmetz 
observes, "it would have been better to supply the 
place of this moral maxim by stating whence the funds 
were obtained for building or beautifying the house at 

When we pass to Germany we naturally find that 
the Jesuits are apostles of toleration, charity, and calm 
intellectual discussion of differences of creed in the 
north, fanatical intolerantists in the south, and advocates 
of every conceivable compromise between the two 
extremes in the intervening or mixed States. Canisius 
still maintained his great work and his austere standard. 
Appointed Legate of the Pope in 1565 he traversed the 
whole of Germany on foot, and strengthened the loyalty 
of the Catholic rulers to the Council of Trent In the 
following year we find him, at the Diet of Augsburg, 
helping to unite Protestants and Catholics against the 
Turk. Many new colleges were founded by him, in- 
cluding three in Poland, before the death of Borgia. 
On the other hand, grave reports had to be sent to 
Rome from the more Catholic and prosperous centres. 
The University of Dillingen, which the Jesuits controlled, 
was found in 1567 to be permeated with heresy, and a 
rigorous scrutiny ended in some of the Jesuits (including 
an English refugee, Edward Thorn) going over to the 
Protestants, In 1 570 the Jesuit rector of Prague College 
became a Protestant and married In Bavaria the cry 
was raised that they mutilated boys in their colleges. 
A most extraordinary trial resulted in their acquittal, 



but there was a deep and widespread prejudice against 
them. In the same year, 1565, they were fiercely assailed 
in Austria. Their college at Vienna was raided by an 
angry mob ; and the nobles, who had been convoked 
by Maximilian, refused to give their aid in the campaign 
against the Turk unless the Emperor expelled the 

In Italy the chronicles of the Society tell of slow 
advance chequered by fits of hostility. By the year 
1567 the Roman college had more than a thousand 
pupils, but the provinces were beginning to murmur 
at the burden of supporting this establishment, and 
the next congregation would restrict its growth. In 
Genoa, Siena, and other cities, the fathers struggled 
with poverty ; in one place a college had to abandon 
the struggle and die. In most parts, however, the 
Society flourished and adapted its work to the cir- 
cumstances. At Palermo we hear, in 1567, of a weird 
pageant, known as "The Triumph of Death," arranged 
by the Jesuits. Sack-clothed men bearing candles, a 
huge figure of Christ in a coffin, and two hundred 
flagellants, stimulated to their ghastly exercise by a 
troop of choristers dressed as hermits, went before a 
car containing a monstrous skeleton, higher than the 
roofs of the houses, with a mighty scythe in its hand. 
In the north the appeal was to princes. Borromeo 
still favoured the Society at Milan, while at Ferrara 
and Florence the Jesuits directed the consciences of 
princesses. The daughters of the Emperor who had 
married the Duke of Ferrara and Francis de Medici 
insisted on retaining their Jesuit confessors; and, when 
Borgia would refuse permission, the confessors them- 
selves pleaded that the fair ladies could not possibly 
be abandoned to strange influences. Borgia reluctantly 
consented- He saw, and regretted, that one of the 



sternest rules of the Society was being sacrificed to 
expediency, but his counsellors seemed to have over- 
ruled him. Ignatius had sanctioned the first royal 
confessor : now there were four. 

From his survey of the provinces, in which he saw 
much to distress his austere feelings, Borgia returned, 
exhausted, to Rome. He died a few weeks afterwards 
(ist October 1572), and Polanco, one of the ablest 
administrators at the Roman centre, was appointed 
Vicar-General. He fixed the election for April, and 
in the early spring the most famous officers of the 
army began to come in from their remote battlefields. 
Auger was occupied in so congenial a task in France 
that he would not come to Rome; he was with the 
Catholic troops besieging the Huguenots in La 
Rochelle. But there was an impressive gathering of 
the veterans of the Society. Salmeron and Bobadilla 
were still there to tell the story of their humble begin- 
ning on the flanks of Montmartre thirty years before ; 
Ribadeneira, Miguel de Torres, Canisius, Possevin, 
Manares, Leo Henriquez, Miron, Polanco, and other 
fathers, before whom kings would bow, came in from 
the frontiers to the eternal city, as the commanders of 
legions had done before them. And of this brilliant 
group one of the lowest in ability and distinction, 
Father Everard Mercurian, was chosen to be General 

The new Pope, Gregory xni., had intervened 
" How many Spanish Generals have you had?" he 
asked, when the older Jesuits came to greet him. All 
three had been Spaniards. " How many votes have 
the Spaniards amongst you?" he then asked. Quite 
enough to elect a Spaniard once more, as they were 
bent on doing ; and the man on whom they had fixed 
their thoughts was the gifted and energetic Polanco. 
But Polanco was descended from converted Jews, a 


class disliked by high-born Spaniards, and Kings 
Philip and Sebastian had written to ask the Pope to 
prevent him from being elected. The fathers respect- 
fully protested that the Pope, who was Protector of 
their Society, ought not to coerce their decisions. 
" Are there no able men amongst you except 
Spaniards ? " he went on ; and he suggested Everard 
Mercurian. Gregory knew that the blind obedience 
of the Jesuits to the Pope was not of the kind which 
hastens to carry out the slightest wish of the ruler, and 
on the morning of the election he sent a cardinal to 
tell them that they must not elect a Spaniard. They 
still expostulated ; but Gregory insisted, and Mercurian, 
a mild and mediocre old man, was made General. 
Being a Belgian, he was at least a subject of Spain ; 
and he was sixty-eight years old. 

Then the conscript fathers assembled, day after 
day, to discuss the mass of secret reports from every 
centre, and pass those instructive decrees forty-eight 
were issued on this occasion which tell us so plainly 
the decay of the original spirit. Ignatius had taught 
them to seek power and wealth for God : it had proved 
a dangerous lesson. The Congregation dispersed in 
June, and Mercurian entered upon his seven years 1 
generalship. The real control was openly entrusted 
to Father Palmio, the Italian assistant, until Father 
Manares ousted him, and secured the chief place and 
the hope of succession. There was, at this, some 
unedifying language ; we shall see presently that 
Manares, at least, undoubtedly sought the generalship. 
But the various provinces were now under the command 
pf such able men that the progress of the Society was 
not retarded. Let us glance at the more significant 
happenings in the provinces, and then sum up the work 
of the Society in its first four decades. 


In the case of Spain we need note only that the 
Pope's interference in the election was bitterly resented, 
and a feeling spread among the fathers which we shall 
find breaking into the most singular expression under 
the rule of Acquaviva. In spite of the stern design of 
Ignatius and the emphatic rule of the Society that the 
Jesuit was to benumb every patriotic fibre in his heart, 
and know himself only as a citizen of the city of God, 
the Spaniards cherished their national pride in an 
alarming degree. Under the ambitious and masterful 
Philip IL, who dreamed of world-empire and was 
willing to include the Jesuits in his diplomatic corps, 
they prospered and were the most important body in 
the Society. They were annoyed that the generalship 
passed out of their hands, and they began to meditate 
secession from the Roman authorities. When the papal 
Nuncio died at Madrid in 1577 a memoir written in this 
sense was found amongst his papers* We shall see later 
how the feeling developed, and how the war with Rome 
brought into notice the degenerate character of the 
Spanish province. 

Italian affairs in that decade are chiefly remarkable 
for a violent quarrel with St. Charles Borromeo at 
Milan. He had continued for some years to patronise 
and employ them. Father Adorno remained his con- 
fessor; and in 1572 he gave them the Abbey of Braida 
for a college, and in 1573 entrusted to them the College 
of Nobles at Milan. They were already in charge of 
the seminary of the diocese, and the trouble seems to 
have begun with the transfer of this institution to the 
Oblates (a religious body founded by Charles) in 1577* 
Cr&ineau-Joly explains that the Jesuits were now con- 
trolling so many institutions in Milan that they were 
overworked, and they begged to be relieved of the 
seminary. He appeals to Giussano, the saint's bio* 


grapher ; but Giussano merely says that Charles " gave 
the seminary to the Oblates, with the consent of the 
Jesuits," which is a polite way of saying that they were 
dismissed. We shall see, in fact, that Charles was 
convinced that the Jesuits were in a lax and degenerate 

In the following year, 1578, the cardinal quarrelled 
with the Governor of Milan, and the Jesuits divided in 
allegiance. Adorno and a few others were faithful to 
Charles, but a courtly and fashionable Jesuit preacher, 
who was appointed to preach the Lent, attacked and 
ridiculed the cardinal-archbishop from one of the chief 
pulpits of his own city, before a crowded audience of 
wealthy Milanese. This preacher, Mazzarino, uncle of 
the famous minister, was the confessor and friend of 
the governor. Charles protested against the unseemly 
attack, but the Jesuit provincial appointed Mazzarino 
again to preach the Lent in 1579, and he attacked 
Charles more virulently than ever. All the less austere 
ladies of Milan, for whom he made smooth the paths 
of rectitude, flocked to his chapel, and listened with 
pleasure to his ridicule of the ascetic prescriptions of 
their saintly archbishop. Charles drew the attention of 
the Provincial to the fact that Mazzarino was preaching 
moral principles of scandalous laxity, and his attacks on 
the chief clerical authority were very injurious. The 
Provincial would not chide Mazzarino, and Charles 
appealed to the General. The only reply of the General 
was, at the request of a certain countess, to direct 
Mazzarino to preach all the year round. Charles 
threatened to suspend the preacher, and he was defied 
from the pulpit; he threatened to bring his principles 
to the notice of the Inquisition, and the Jesuits sent 
a courier to Rome to defend their preacher. Then 
Charles instructed his Roman agent, Spetiano, to la$r 


the case before the papal court, and Mazzarino was 
recalled by his General and suspended from preaching 
for two years by an ecclesiastical tribunal. 

This quarrel is of interest for two reasons. In the 
first place, it illustrates the value of Cr&ineau-Joly's 
history of the Jesuits. The French writer ignores the 
attack in 1577, and says that, as soon as Mazzarino 
began to misbehave, "the Milan fathers hastened to 
disapprove of the imprudent orator," and the General 
recalled him, It is, of course, true that Charles's con- 
fessor, Adorno, "disapproved " of his brother Jesuit, but 
the Mazzarino faction retorted that he was jealous, 
because Mazzarino had larger audiences for his sermons ; 
and Cr6tineau-Joly suppresses the fact that the Provincial, 
and for a time the General, defiantly supported Mazzarino, 
We know this from Barromeo's letters to his agent 1 The 
further interest of the quarrel, which is entirely sup- 
pressed by the French historian, is that in these letters 
Charles passes very severe strictures on the Jesuits as 
a body. Instead of finding fault with one man only, 
Mazzarino, he found fault with all except one, his 
confessor, to whom he remained attached. " I confess," 
he writes to Spetiano, "that for some time I have felt 
the Society to be in grave danger of decadence unless a 
prompt remedy be applied." The Jesuits, he explains, 
admit clever youths without regard to their character, 
and they grant extravagant liberties to their literary 
colleagues. They are inflated by the favour of the 
nobility and the crowds of wealthy women who 
flock to lax moralists like Mazzarino. We may also 
recall here the grave statement of Charles's nephew 
and successor, Archbishop Frederic Borromeo, who 
was educated by the Jesuits ; a statement repeated, 

1 See a selection in the Annales de la Socittg